Opinion
21st February: Is it about everyone or a particular class ?
It’s generally held that Ekushey February is the mother moment of Bangladesh history. It is celebrated nationally to produce the cultural meta imagination of state building called Shaheed Dibash. It;s as much a cultural event as it’s a memorial to the national identity surge that ultimately birthed Bangladesh as the Bengali state.
And that is also seen as a fitting rebuttal to the other nationalist surge which supposedly birthed the previous state seeking aspiration, the Muslim state of Pakistan. Mingled into all this is the collateralization of political domination through culture. Politics in most if not all spaces look for the legitimacy that will push it from the realm of political sociology to that of political theology.
In that process, Ekushey has become the Big Bang of our state making theology of history. Why and how did that happen?
A long history of political claims
The class origins of cultural movements are less studied in our world. Over time, such movements are deified and in the process placed outside scrutiny. Cultural events therefore are seen as a fundamental phenomenon that ultimately ends with claims and credit of state making. This has also been the case of Ekushey. But who did it and why is not asked.
As a sacred issue, it becomes a historical trigger beyond question and remains less examined. Ekushey signifies the primary marker that became the trigger of history which in turn produced 1971. In the end, the claim of 1952 is actually about who owns the state that 1971 gave birth to. Cultural identity is used to describe qualifications regarding the ownership of the state.
State ownership qualifications
State identity markers are multiple and sourced from all dimensions of society. They are from race, ethnicity, language, faith, territory, class clusters etc. Every person carries several of these markers so it becomes a contest of proving which marker is dominant historically hence has the right to claim ownership or dominance.
One purpose of single markers is their unifying role in a nation-state making project. It’s necessary to unite them under one meta banner of uncontested "sacred" identity markers ignoring or diminishing other markers. This has been observed in South Asian history consistently. Establishing a “nation-state” exclusive to one identity allows effective denial of diversity and rights of others even when the demand for a state began with resistance to denial.
Hence the culturalization of politics has become a very important exercise as it defines controlling political state management schemes. Thus they are not "cultural" in its commonly understood sense but act as an aid of political control of a class or group.
Cultural processes have no objective of controlling but its political users do. The process of amalgamating both cultural and political is therefore critical to achieve this. Ekushey as the ultimate national icon fulfills those objectives.
Socio economics of state making identities
Such icons have dominant and subsidiary characteristics. Their proximity to the socio-economic space is important in understanding the semiotics of the event and its purpose. Ekushey also needs to be interpreted by tracing its location, participants and ultimate iconization.
Ekushey is a dominantly a protest movement that began in the Dhaka city as a reaction to the marginalization of Bengali in state institutions and economic accessing system including civil service exams. Its leadership came from the elite educated minority. This narrative established the dominant identity defining the aspired for state. It was this class’s main issue but was projected as the meta national issue of all. Bengali identity was projected as the dominant construction of the national liberation movement and described as the prime marker. In the process the bearers of the elite “salariat” class became prime interpreters of the state objective as well.
Language loyalty meant discarding religious identity. Pakistan was considered "Islamic" and Bangladesh was considered "Bengali" hence it was projected as a either or situation. In reality, putting two identities from different baskets made little sense but it was not a cultural issue but political. So it became a vehicle for state making nationalism. That both were present in Bangladeshis were ignored for the moment in striving for state making by the middle class Ekushe based leadership.
1971 politics of state making
1971 shows that the most robust resistance to Pakistan came from the peasantry who had little to do with cultural markers like language and religion as they were dominated by agriculture not formal state institution based official employment or urban cultural activities. They had little education so language mattered even less. They, to put it mildly, were not “Bengali nationalists” They had no discernible socio-economic stake in the language issue.
Current research shows that the peasantry interprets the world differently from the middle class and produces and follows their own historical streams. What is also clear is that a state is not a monolithic interest or identity driven project but one which encapsulates many ideas and identities. If that is so, the search for the nature of the state and its actual identity must continue instead of settling for a single class’s version of history, culture and more importantly politics.
Read more: Research is vital to preserve, revitalise and develop mother languages: PM
No room for confusion over whether the president’s post is profitable or not
The Awami League candidate Md Shahabuddin was elected unopposed in the recent presidential election. Shahabuddin is a former commissioner of Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC). According to the ACC Act, no commissioner shall be eligible for appointment to any office of profit in the republic after retirement.
Now after Shahabuddin was elected president, there has been a new discussion on whether the position is “profitable” or not. The constitution does not say anything about whether the post of president is profitable or not. But it has been debated before and in 1996 the High Court ruled in a writ petition that the post of president was “not profitable”.
Awami League nominated former Chief Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed for the president after coming to power in 1996. Challenging the matter, it was said in a case that after retiring from the post of chief justice, one cannot sit in any profitable position in the state.
According to the law, the Election Commission has expressed its opinion on whether the post of president is “profitable” or not. “The post of president is not profitable. This is a constitutional position. In that case, there is no legal obstacle to Shahabuddin’s assumption of the office of president.”
“The court has already given a decision about a retiring chief justice. A former commissioner will be held to the same standard… Md. Shahabuddin’s election to the presidency is valid,” Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Kazi Habibul Awal said on February 15, 2023.
As per the judgment, the current president-elect, even though he was an ACC commissioner, has no legal bar to assume the presidency. When the Election Commission selects nomination papers of candidates for the post of president, it takes the decision considering the law.
Read: Controversy over President-elect unexpected: CEC
The law clearly states what is meant by the term “profitable”. In the case of posts of profit, it is said that if the government has more than 50% of the money in an institution engaged in the work of the republic, then the appointment will be called a “post of profit”. The president’s or the prime minister’s posts are constitutional. Since they are constitutional posts, they do not come under the definition of “profitable posts”.
If there is not more than one candidate, and after selecting the nomination papers, if it is found that the nomination papers are correct and valid, then he/she will be declared elected at that time. There is no need to wait for it to be withdrawn. The Awami League nominated Md. Shahabuddin on February 12. The Election Commission (EC) announced him as the next president on February 13, as he was the only candidate for this post. The current president Abdul Hamid’s term expires on April 24.
When the World Bank removed itself from the Padma Bridge project on false allegations of corruption, Md. Shahabuddin – as an ACC commissioner at that time – proved that there was no corruption in the project. Because of his role, the allegations were proven false in Canadian court, and Bangladesh’s image was restored. As ACC Commissioner, Md. Shahabuddin gave courage to PM Sheikh Hasina.
Awami League under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina has been in power for more than 14 consecutive years. Sheikh Hasina’s visionary decision-making was again demonstrated during the nomination of the new president. A president is the symbol of unity and sovereignty of the country. That is why she chose someone eminently qualified for the president’s post.
Read: BNP maintains silence on President-elect Shahabuddin
After Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina assumed office in 1996, she nominated Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed as president to keep the presidency above party identity. That nomination was an exceptional decision then. The election of a president without party affiliation was widely applauded. Leaders and activists received a message on what will be the form of party nomination. She also gave a message to political parties and civil society who are “concerned” about the elections.
The next national election is a big challenge for the Awami League and the government. By choosing a man experienced in politics, administration and law as the head of state during that election, Sheikh Hasina has once again demonstrated her statesmanship. The message is: she still has more surprises in the bag.
Hiren Pandit is a columnist and researcher.
Hero Alam's crusade goes on
So this guy Hero Alam, a bad singer, an even worse actor with a scruffy look is riling up the establishment like few have done before. They call him “uncouth, uncultured, lower class, uneducated “and the rest but his admirers don’t seem to care. He has become a hate figure to many particularly of the shushil class of Bangladesh’s urban elite who see everything wrong with what he represents or his persona does. But they can't stop him in any way. That’s what hurts.
The closest they came to was when he was taken in and told by the police not to sing those songs which offend shushil sensitivities particularly of the Tagore variety. Apparently, several top notch shushils and singers had complained about his music to the police. He was released but after he had to promise to follow musical rules framed by the police of all forces of law and order of the state. One is lucky that it was not RAB which took him in. Luckily US sanctions were in place.
A thorn in the flesh
That arrest turned into a mishap for the establishment as social media lit up and Hero Alam himself went on various social media chat shows and described his situation and experience. It was ludicrous to say the least to get the police involved in the matter by the government. If bad music is a law and order problem, speeches and jokes often used by many political leaders should keep the police busy for many hours everyday.
Sadly, worse followed for the establishment. The singing matter ended there but the next thing one hears is that Hero Alam was trying to stand in the parliamentary by-elections. Lot of jokes later, when the results came out, it showed that Hero Alam was beaten but narrowly, by less than a 1000 votes. The candidate who won, was a non-entity at the national level but Hero’s loss became bigger news than JSD’ candidate Tansen’s victory. Since Tansen was an AL supported candidate, people did the usual electoral math and concluded that Hero Alam was forcibly defeated to keep him out of the parliament.
Of course manipulation was denied by the EC who also tried to sound a touch dismissive but worse for everyone concerned, Hero Alam came out looking better than ever. And people believed Alam’s words rather than the EC’s.
Read more: Hero Alam: Making shushils and politicians uneasy
It seems something bigger is going on around the person and his ‘antics’ than singing and voting. This ‘uppity ' man from somewhere outside Dhaka and the rural backwoods , with an uncertain profession, a slightly sleazy love life, and headline grabbing skills has made the establishment look rather silly and downright cloddy. As if that isn’t enough, someone gifts him a microbus and Alam donates it which no one does. And all this before he even makes it to the House.
The establishment hits back
UNB reports says that the Highway Police fined Ashraful Hossain Alam aka Hero Alam for speeding on his way to Chunarughat upazila from Bogura in Habiganj on Tuesday. He was fined Taka 2500. He had gone to Narporti village in Chunarughat to receive a microbus from the Abdul Jabbar Gaucchia Academy Principal M Mokhlichhur Rahman who announced it on FB as a token of his esteem and standing in the election. In response Hero Alam received the car and then announced it would be used as an ambulance or to ferry dead bodies to graves.
The police move was one of the worst examples of taking an action which smells of vindictiveness. In a country where ministers think nothing of going the wrong way in their official flag flying car in high traffic of Dhaka, bikes use the pavement as a sub-road and cars park on pavements making it impossible to use, the concept of traffic rules violation doesn’t even exist. And in that ecology, a speeding ticket doesn’t even qualify as a joke. So why is the establishment so worried about him?
The rise of the under class
Hero Alam signifies the rise of the underclass, both as individuals and through cultural idioms. The monopoly which the shushils enjoy in terms of deciding what qualifies as proper particularly in culture was first threatened by the rise of the rural religious cultures. Apart from politics, Hefaozot’s Dhaka siege showed that they were rising and could travel down both physically and socially.
However, It’s easy to dismiss the waz crowd or the Hefazot and Tabligh culture because they occupy a religious hence alien space to the “modern and secular” shushil culture which includes political parties and clusters too. But this is where the Hero Alam threat is pushing them.
He is not alien in terms of cultural form to the urban elite or shushils all over Bangladesh. Hero Alam may do it badly but he does whatever they all do in their common space. He sings their songs, mimics their heroes and icons and even womanizes like them. One may dislike him and most shushils do but one can’t dismiss his cultural form because it’s the same as that of the shushil elite.
Hero Alam and his tribe are coming and may soon overrun the shushil monopoly which is why so much anxiety pervades their camp. But his horde is probably unstoppable going by the way history has gone. The underclass may prevail over the fancier sounding and looking class. And that is what it's all about.
Creating skilled manpower for a ‘Smart Bangladesh’
The government has set a target to build a ‘Smart Bangladesh’ by 2041. Work has already started towards this end. About one crore Bangladeshis are working abroad in different countries of the world. About 7.6 million of them have no job training and the remaining have received training in any of the four categories of technical education, languages, computers, and driving. Among the expat Bangladeshis, the number of doctors, engineers, teachers and degree holders in vocational education is quite low.
Various developments in technology have brought about revolutionary changes in the economic, political and social structures of the whole world. Now the global value of technical know-how is easily understandable. It is possible to increase the inward remittance from the manpower sector several times.
The fourth industrial revolution is now coming to the fore in the world. Keeping this in mind, the government is developing skilled manpower. People of the country should be more skilled in technical and tech-based education and training, so that they can keep up with the changing world. Skilled manpower can contribute to the development sector of the country.
Changes in our education system is needed to create a more skilled human resource. Higher education institutions can play a major role in this regard. That is why reorganizing higher education is imperative to survive in an increasingly competitive world. Realizing this need for skilled human resources, the Ministry of Education and the University Grants Commission have started reorganizing the education system with the aim of developing manpower suitable for the fourth industrial revolution.
Bangladesh is continuously connecting with the global economy. Our communication channels are: export, import, investment, and temporary migration. Bangladesh’s imports are much more than exports. Therefore, increasing investment (foreign) in the country and exporting manpower are the main means of strengthening the economy. Foreign investment will increase only when the country has sufficient resources, such as mines or land, capital, or manpower. Unskilled manpower does not encourage foreign investment. In this case, only investment will be made in labor dependent sectors. In countries where labor skills are high, there is also more foreign investment. The same is the case with manpower exports. Workers are needed abroad. However, the demand for skilled workers is constantly increasing. Skilled workers earn about 10 times more than unskilled workers. The skill of the worker depends on the quality of education. So, changing the quality of education is important, and it will not be possible to change the education system through conventional thinking.
The fourth industrial revolution is giving a new dimension to human civilization. The processes and possibilities of this revolution are already being widely discussed worldwide. Discussion is going on in our country too. Through this discussion, the prime minister and the adviser on information and communication technology are working tirelessly to create awareness among the people and make Bangladesh suitable for leading the fourth industrial revolution.
As we know, the fourth industrial revolution is a fusion of physical, digital and biological spheres. It is difficult to separate these three. What is the result of this? What kind of changes are happening in society? This results in intellectualization, human-machine interfaces, and the merging of reality and virtuality. To prepare us for the fourth industrial revolution, emotional intelligence, physical intelligence, and social intelligence must be introduced.
There are a few things we can do to prepare this generation for this unknown future. Information is a powerful element of civilizational change.
The technological upheaval of the fourth industrial revolution is everywhere. This revolution is causing drastic changes in the world of thought, production, and service delivery. People’s lifestyles and the nature of the world are changing too.
Artificial intelligence, robotics, the internet of things, virtual reality, 3D printing, genetic engineering, quantum computing, and other technologies are part of the revolution. The scale of this revolution, technology-based modernity and its associated complex system are also presenting a major test for the ability of the governments around the world.
This is especially true when the government is committed to inclusive development by “leaving no one behind” in light of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Sustainable development, reducing inequality, safe work and responsible consumption and production are key challenges to implementing and achieving the SDGs. Platforms like 'Kishore Batayan' and 'Shikshak Batayan' have been developed in collaboration with a2i to make education easier.
As technology has become accessible to every citizen of the country, tech-based services are being made available to marginalized groups. Technology has become a trusted medium in all citizen services and lifestyles. In response to the fourth industrial revolution, the information technology sector of Bangladesh has emphasized various infrastructural developments, including the development of skilled human resources. Bangladesh is striving to be among the top 50 countries in the United Nations e-Governance Development Index in the next five years.
Five initiatives of ‘Digital Bangladesh’ have been internationally acclaimed. They are Digital Centre, Service Innovation Fund, Empathy Training, TCV (Time, Cost and Visit) and SDGs Tracker. With the help of information technology, young people are building small and big IT firms, e-commerce sites, app-based services and other organizations. Besides, some major achievements include Bangladesh's first satellite in space.
If the data protection law is passed, foreign authorities including Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter will be forced to have offices in this country and keep the country's information in local data center. Creating awareness among the people is going to make Bangladesh suitable for leading the fourth industrial revolution and creating skilled manpower.
Reskilling, upskilling and deskilling methods should be kept in mind. Existing learning programs should be accompanied by other digital-based systems, such as e-learning and online learning systems. That is, educational programs should be designed to develop technically skilled manpower.
We have to follow the technical education model of different countries including Germany, Japan, Singapore, Australia, China, South Korea, and Malaysia. The technical education rate in Germany is 73 percent. It is necessary to adopt a master plan to raise the education rate to at least 60 percent in the country. Countries like Malaysia, Singapore and China have developed technical education at the root of their development.
In preparation for the fourth industrial revolution, the Bangladesh government is going to include coding in the school curriculum. Investment in information and communication technology infrastructure in schools has increased under the Digital Bangladesh project. But the reality is that the education system of rural Bangladesh has not yet prepared our children and youths for the fourth industrial revolution. The rate of participation and use of technology has increased but the quality has not changed.
Uneven technology investments are difficult to sustain in the context of such a fragile public education system. It will further increase social inequality. Public technology investment in health, education, and trade is pushing Southeast Asian countries towards the fourth industrial revolution. Malaysia has been able to achieve great improvement in the field of education within just one year of technological reforms during the pandemic.
There is hope. Recently the five-year plan for the 'National Artificial Intelligence Strategy' has been undertaken by the government. But without solving the root problem, these plans will not bring much benefit.
Bangladesh has not developed enough human resources with innovative knowledge, high skills, deep thinking and problem-solving skills. Therefore, the government has to hire experienced and skilled consultants from neighboring and other countries in various development projects and foreign investment areas. According to economists, more than 5 billion dollars are going out of the country due to this.
Bangladesh's increasing progress and success in socioeconomic development is globally recognized. Bangladesh's agriculture-based economy is gradually changing to an industrial and service-driven economy. On the other hand, the most rapid change is happening in the technology sector.
Japan overcame all natural odds by converting its population into skilled manpower. This example from Japan is most relevant to us. If we can convert the vast young population of Bangladesh into skilled resources, it is not impossible for us to become a developed country.
Our curriculum is not very coherent with the kind of knowledge and skills required in the industry. Bangladesh is still far behind in artificial intelligence, IoT, and blockchain technology.
Hopefully, the government is giving importance to three things as the basis of the fourth industrial revolution. These are: development of the industry through innovation, creation of a trained workforce, and the conservation of the environment. The implementation of this announcement by the Prime Minister requires massive public-private joint ventures. Only then will we be able to reach our desired goal, we will be able to build the “Sonar Bangla” of Bangabandhu's dream.
Our Ministry of Education, National Skill Development Authority, Bangladesh Economic Zone Authority, and Hi-Tech Park should unite and take short, medium and long-term plans for the development of technical education with the understanding of the fourth industrial revolution wholeheartedly, and the government should increase the development budget in this sector. Otherwise, we will lag behind in the competition and face challenges in attracting foreign investment.
Information technology has brought a new dimension to the economic activities of the country. The convenience of financial transactions as a result of mobile banking has made life easier for common people. Advances in information technology have led to a proliferation of startup culture. Women are also involved in information technology. The presence of women entrepreneurs is increasing. There are about 20,000 Facebook pages for shopping in the country. Work is going on efficiently. This is how our beloved Bangladesh will move towards Smart Bangladesh.
Hiren Pandit is a columnist and researcher.
Hero Alam: Making shushils and politicians uneasy
It doesn’t matter that Hero Alam lost by less than a thousand votes to a JSD candidate supported by the ruling party. Not many people know Tansen(JSD) outside his area but Hero Alam is a national figure, like it or not. He had a serious encounter with the law enforcers a few months back when police hauled him in and told him not to sing certain songs. His stocks rose more after that.
This scolding for singing is possible only in Bangladesh where the police are better as music critics than catching thieves and other assorted criminals. Hero Alam does many other things and was up and running after a few weeks of slowing down. And then he went for elections. After a lot of drama over his nomination seeking, he finally managed to make it to the polls.
What his running mean
His election was covered by national media but the serious and shushil media never paid much attention to him as a proper candidate. He was a “clown” candidate. But then it’s inevitable. Hero Alam is neither shushil nor a political elite. That means neither AL or the BNP and their underlings. Like it or not, Hero Alam belongs to the people much more than conventional politicians do.
Some people of the “serious” type may see him as a joke but he is not so to the voters as the numbers show. And that is the problem for many. The establishment can’t tolerate him but the people can. And that is why he nearly won. Or maybe as Hero Alam has said, “he was made to lose.”
Read more: Is Hero Alam the problem or social media ?
Some in the Opposition are saying that it was a fixed election and shows that EVMs are all under the control of the EC and all that. But the Opposition are no different from the ruling party because they have their own shushil brigade and Hero Alam is just not that.
The rise of the underclass as politicians
BD politics is run by shushils and politicians, basically the middle and upper class alliance. And Hero Alam is not that. He belongs to that segment of society which has emerged after 1971, the vast rural sea. The “crudeness” of his cultural behavior shocks many because it’s so “peasanty” , uppity if you will. He has no “sophistication”, no “slickness” and his Tagore songs are not like swans in a swoon. But that’s what he is and without fear. He signifies the growing strength of the underclass which is very established economically and is now knocking on the doors of the ruling class. There should be many reasons to feel anxious when he has come so close.
Hero Alam’s victory would have been too much and prayers are being said in appropriate places that he failed. He may also have been forcibly failed, as the candidate has said. Media reports that there was a Hero Alam wave among the voters. But that’s another matter. What matters is that he has arrived and there is a definite sign that the underclass is finally putting pressure on the traditional conventional ruling class .
The Triumphant Return of the Greatest Bengali
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned to the conquered country 25 days after independence of Bangladesh - on January 10, 1972. There is no such homecoming in the history. Homecoming is not just a come back to 'sweet home,' a return to the country, the soil of the country, and the people after a lifelong struggle to finally return to the firm hope of building a dream-Sonar Bangla (Golden Bengal). Waiting for 28 days (9 months 12 days) to return home as a winner, while in the prison in Pakistan it was either death, or freedom. No, not death; Sheikh Mujib made the independence of his men and motherland after about 23 years of struggle, and a total of 13 years of imprisonment. He faced execution twice (1969 and 1971) but survived to implement the country's independence.
When the Bengalis was united for independence at the call of Bangabandhu, the Pakistani military launched a brutal attack on the night of March 25, 1971 on the independence-loving Bengalis and arrested Bangabandhu from his Dhanmondi residence on March 26 at 1.20 pm, shortly after he declared the independence of Bangladesh. He could have escaped if he wanted to. But Bangabandhu was not such a man. In an interview with British journalist David Fraser, he made it clear: 'I thought it is better I die and at least save my people who love me so much. I am their leader, I will embrace death if necessary, but why should I escape? 'However, after the victory of Bangladesh, on international pressure Bangabandhu was released from prison on the morning of January 8, 1972. After his release, he returned to the country on January 10, 1972, via London and Delhi. When the plane carrying Bangabandhu touched the runway of Tejgaon Airport that afternoon, countless crowds greeted their undisputed leader with cheers and sky-scraping 'Joy Bangla' slogans. Bangabandhu went to Suhrawardy Udyan (then Racecourse Maidan) straight from the airport, where he one day urged millions of Bengalis to jump into the freedom struggle. There, he congratulated the country's people in an emotional voice for snatching victory in the bloody liberation war and called upon all to dedicate themselves to rebuilding the war-torn country.
Read More: Bangabandhu’s Homecoming Day today
As soon as he returned to the country on January 10, 1972, getting him back alive millions of Bengalis welcomed him at the historic Suhrawardy Udyan, where once he called for independence ten months back. He firmly called upon people, "If my people are killed again, then my request to you is: 'build fortress in every home'. In his words, the desire to liberate the motherland has fascinated the whole nation, provoked, 'Remember, since we have given blood, we will give more, by we will surely liberate liberate the people of this country, inshallah.' He emphasized, 'The struggle this time is the struggle for our liberation. The struggle this time is the struggle for our independence.' After returning to the country, the father of the nation started tidying up the country. In the beginning, he gave his focus in formulating the state policies- the principles on which the new country Bangladesh would be governed. Mujibbad gave a remarkable imprint of the life, culture, and heritage of the land and people of the country in politics, gifted with his political experience, wisdom, foresight, and the uniqueness of independent Bengal.
He was not unaware of the plight of ordinary people in the war-torn country. He expressed his determination to alleviate their suffering as follows: "From today my request, from today my command, from today my order, as a brother-not as a leader, nor as to the president or as the prime minister, I am your brother, you are my brothers. This independence of mine will be futile-if the people of my Bengal are not fully fed on rice, this independence of mine will not be fulfilled-if the mothers and sisters of Bengal do not get clothes, this independence of mine will not be fulfilled-if the mothers and sisters of this country do not get clothes for the protection of their modesty, this independence of mine will not be fulfilled-if the people of this country, the youth of mine, do not find employment or do not get jobs."
Read More: Anne de Henning’s rare photos of Bangladesh’s birth, Bangabandhu to have Dhaka exhibit Dec 15-24
The drafting of the constitution reflected the idea of local, and not the imitation of other developed countries. The views of the people were reflected in the constitution; 98 recommendations were adopted on the basis of public opinion. Bangabandhu always emphasized the will and needs of the people first. In just nine months, Bangabandhu presented the nation with one of the world's best constitutions, which was adopted by the National Assembly on November 4, 1972, and came into effect from December 16 (Victory Day). Speaking on the constitution in the parliament, the country's architect said: "This constitution is written in the blood of the martyrs. This constitution will survive as a tangible symbol of the hopes and aspirations of the entire people."
It is unknown whether anyone else in history got a chance to speak about the passion and love that Bangabandhu expressed at the people's reception at all levels. Emotional Bangabandhu said at that auspicious time; my Bangladesh has become independent today. "My Bangladesh has been independent today, my life's desire has been fulfilled today, the people of my Bengal have been liberated today. My Bengal will remain free. Today I won't be able to make a speech. The way the sons of Bengal, the mothers of Bengal, the peasants of Bengal, the laborers of Bengal, the intellectuals of Bengal did struggle, I was imprisoned, was ready and waiting to go to the gallows. But I knew that they could not suppress my Bangalees. The people of my Bengal would be liberated."
Read More: ‘Intense, fragile, powerful’: Forbes effusively lauds Paris exhibit on Bangladesh’s birth, Bangabandhu
Sitting in a dark cell of a prison (multiple prisons - Karachi, Faisalabad) and dreaming of freedom, he was not sure he would return to his beloved motherland alive. "I did not know I would return to you", fascinated by the motherland, Bangabandhu uttered. "I have come. I did not know I was sentenced to death by hanging. A grave was dug for me beside my cell. I prepared myself, I said I'm a Bangalee, I'm a man, I'm a Muslim-who dies once not twice. I said, if death comes to me, I'll die laughing."
Although Bangabandhu was imprisoned in Pakistan from March 26, 1971 to January 8, 1972 (9 months and 12 days), obviously he was alive in Bangladesh's consciousness and liberation struggle, and inspired them for nine months. He was the President of the Mujibnagar Government and the first President of the country. In his physical absence or absence, the four national leaders conducted the Mujibnagar government i.e., the war of liberation, by embracing his ideals, thoughts, and consciousness.
Although he was in prison in Pakistan, he was not unaware of the atrocities that the Pakistanis had inflicted on the Bengalis in the nine-month war. Mentioning that 3 million people have been killed in the war, Bangabandhu aggrieved, "In the Second World War and also in the First World War, such a number of people, such a number of common citizens did not die, were not martyred, which happened in my 7-crore people's Bangladesh." While in prison in Pakistan, he was never disturbed or intimidated by the thought of execution. His compassion for the country was expressed in his speech: "I told just one thing, I have no objection if you kill me. Please return my dead body to my Bangalees, this is my only request to you."
He was a prison, but he believed that no one could keep the Bengalis in suppress. Bangladesh would be independent. And so he prepared in his mind about what to build an independent country. That is why he did not have to hurry or take time to concentrate on the task of building a Sonar Bangla, including the drafting of the constitution in the earliest possible time.
The ruthless Pakistani military could not kill this great humane-the leader of the seven-crore Bangali. But he had to give his life in the hands of his 'loved' ones, in the plan of the very own traitors, while the chief mastermind Mushtaq sent the cooked the sand duck to Bangabandhu's home just two days ago (13 August). Who knew that this 'lovely' feast was also an exercise in plotting to assassinate Bangabandhu! By killing Bangabandhu, the murderous circle silenced his dream of Sonar Bangla. The Bangladeshi forms of politics that he has formulated in this country taken from the soil and people's lives was also blocked. When the people of Bangladesh, under the leadership of Bangabandhu, were determined to transform the country into Sonar Bangla in a democratic state system with a secular mindset of the 1970s, they stopped that progress by killing him and went back to the 'religion'-centric social divisions like the 1940s.
Read More: What Was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's Childhood Like?
But the killers did not know that Bangabandhu could be killed and could not be kept suppressed (dabay rakha). He was, is, and will, always be. That is why the people overthrew the then military government in the late 1990s, overcoming all obstacles and bearing his secular mentality. He has always been equally popular, no matter whether his party is in power or not. For example, in a 2004 BBC poll, Bangabandhu was elected the greatest Bengali of all time (then the BNP-led government in power (2001-2006)). In 2005, the High Court quashed the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution and ruled to restore the 1972 constitution, which was upheld by the Supreme Court in 2010. Meanwhile, since 2010, people have rallied in various places, including the capital, to restore the 1972 constitution. In this favorable environment, the government led by his daughter restored the main provisions of the 1972 constitution in 2011. In addition to any emergency of the Awami League, Bangabandhu is still more relevant and influential in any crisis of the nation. As long as Bangladesh, so long Bangabandhu. In fact, Bangladesh and Bangabandhu are synonymous.
On the question of Bangabandhu's relevance, Bengali economist and Nobel laureate Amartya Sen recently stated that 'Bangabandhu and his ideals are still relevant'. He further emphasized that Bangabandhu's philosophy and ideology should be imitated in the conflicting contemporary world, especially in South and South-East Asia. Bangabandhu's need for secularism and religious freedom in resolving ethnic and religious conflicts not only in Asia but also in the Western world is undeniable and socialist democracy is essential to build an exploitation-free society. The country lost its genuine architect and friend- Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib a quarter century ago. But he was, is, will be in the arteries of Bengalis: "As long as Padma, Meghna, Gouri, Jamuna flows on, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, your accomplishment will also live on."
Read More: Ideals of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib Can Inspire the Young Generation
Dr. Ala Uddin, Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Chittagong. Email: [email protected]
Why hasn’t the UN recognised 1971 Bangladesh Genocide yet?
Seventy-five years after the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide came into force, one of its glaring failures has been not recognising the 1971 Bangladesh genocide and the 2017 genocide against the Rohingyas in Myanmar.
This not only saddens us in Bangladesh, it also upsets many who have followed large scale massacre of human beings in various parts of the post-colonial world.
Polish Jewish refugee lawyer Raphael Lemkin coined the word “genocide” in 1943 to describe the killing and destruction of people. The word is derived from the Greek “genos” (people, tribe or race) and the Latin “cide” (killing) against the backdrop of the Holocaust, that Winston Churchill said was a “crime without a name”. But Churchill’s double-standards remained the enduring feature of Western standpoint on how they look at a genocide or large scale engineered deaths.
Churchill, the British “hero” who guided the Allies to victory in World War II and who attacked Hitler and the Nazis over the Jewish Holocaust, has been held responsible for triggering the Bengal famine that led to 3 million deaths in what was then undivided Bengal, the largest province of British India.
Read more: 'Recognising the Bangladesh Genocide of 1971': ICSF welcomes US Congress initiative
Madhusree Mukerjee, whose “Churchill’s Secret War” created waves and rattled many a British colonial apologist, has gone on record to equate Hitler’s extermination of 10 million Jews with Churchill’s presiding over the death of three million Bengalis through a famine orchestrated by policies linked to the British war effort.
On December 9, 1948, the international community formally adopted a definition of genocide within the 1948 Convention – essentially enshrining the message of “never again” in international law.
Rachel Burns of the York University questions whether the convention has achieved what it set out to do and focused on three of its key areas of failure.
· First, the very application of the term “genocide” is applied too slowly and cautiously when atrocities happen.
· Second, the international community fails to act effectively against genocides.
· Third, too few perpetrators are actually convicted of their crimes.
Read more: Declare Pakistan army action in 1971 ‘Genocide’: US congressmen introduce resolution
Burns points to the many genocides that have occurred since the 1948 Convention and its ratification in 1951, and then points to the only three that have been legally recognised – and led to trials – under the convention: Rwanda in 1994, Bosnia (and the 1995 Srebrenica massacre), and Cambodia under the 1975-9 Pol Pot regime.
Burns refers to the widespread killing and displacement of Yazidi by IS and of Rohingyas in Myanmar which are ongoing and recognised by the UN as a whole, but are yet to be officially recognised as genocides by some individual states. Similarly, 13 years after atrocities took place in the Sudanese region of Darfur, criminal investigations continue but no official charges of genocide have been made under the convention.
Political scientist Adam Jones names the genocides committed under Saddam Hussein against the Kurds in 1988-91 in Iraq, and the genocide committed by West Pakistan forces against Bangladeshis in 1971.
“And the list of ‘genocides’ that might fall under the UN definition is frighteningly long. The International Criminal Court is investigating several states in which human rights violations and war crimes ‘may’ have occurred,” says Rachel Burns.
Read more: 1971 genocide: Need to work together to get recognition from UN, says DU VC
As a passionate and patriotic Bangladeshi, I would like to argue that the UN should prioritize recognising the 1971 East Pakistan genocide against Bengalis for three reasons:
· The number of people killed in then East Pakistan by Pakistani forces (regular army and collaborators) between March and December 1971 far exceeds the numbers of victims of the three genocides recognised by the UN. Nearly 3 million Bengalis of all faiths were massacred by the Pakistani forces. In comparison, 1.5 to 2 million deaths occurred at the hands of the murderous Khmer Rouge but these deaths were over a four year period between 1975 and 1979. Between 500000 to 650000 Tutsis were massacred by Hutus during the Rwandan civil war between April and August 1994. And the Balkan genocide casualty toll never crossed six digits.
· The genocide in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) was not just limited to random killings but involved both targeted murders (of intellectuals to leave behind a brain deficit) and also largescale rapes (nearly 300,000) of Bengali women as well as arson.
· This genocide was carried out by the Pakistan army – and not by militias – which has since been designated by US and NATO as an “useful ally in the war against terror”.
Read More: Chitra erosion threatens mass grave of 1971 in Magura
A recognition of the 1971 East Pakistan genocide by the UN is not only important for the global body to regain its credibility and effectiveness but also to expose a military institution which is seen as of much strategic value in the West.
The West has been fooled, somewhat willfully, into believing that the Pakistan army is useful in fighting terror in Afghanistan. There is enough evidence now to suggest that the Pakistani generals were always running with the hare and hunting with the hounds. They were allowing US and NATO a springboard for anti-Taliban operations but were also allowing Taliban safe shelter, training and weapons in Pakistan, without which the Taliban would have never survived, let alone emerge victorious to take over the country.
The least the West, especially the US (which is very vocal about human rights violations in Bangladesh now), can do is to take the initiative to officially recognise the 1971 East Pakistan genocide. They should stop fooling their own citizens and taxpayers about the role of the Pakistani army in the war against terror. By recognising the 1971 genocide, they can hold the Pakistan army accountable for denying Bengalis the right to life during the Liberation War. Recognition of both 1971 East Pakistan genocide and the 2017 Rohingya genocide will help call out and expose two evil military institutions who threaten democracy and dignity of life in our part of the world. It is high time the West stops chasing phantoms and does its bit to punish mass murderers in our region. Otherwise, their sermons on human rights just ring hollow.
Read More: Brave Women Freedom Fighters of Bangladesh’s 1971 Liberation War
Seventy-five years after the UN Convention, Nobel laureate and Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel’s “never again” for genocide remains “a prayer, a promise, a vow” but also a frequent reality. And their frequent recurrence owes much to how many genocides have gone unrecognised and unpunished.
Tarana Halim, an actress and lawyer, is a former Bangladeshi minister. She is now president of Bangabandhu Sanskritic Jote, a front for cultural movement against radicalism. She is also a member of Awami League central committee.
Deconstructing BNP’s “State Reform” Agenda
On December 19, 2022, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) announced its much hyped plans for “structural state reforms” in the form of twenty-seven proposals which they pledged to implement if voted back to power. While it is commendable that BNP has actually articulated its policy positions, the list itself left one underwhelmed and thoroughly unimpressed.
A closer look at each of the proposals reveals that apart from a few serious proposals regarding structural changes to the state which arguably merit further discussion, most are actually regurgitation of past manifesto proposals, academic discussion topics, and long-standing civil society talking points. Most are matters of government policy as opposed to state-structure, while some are inherently contradictory to the politics of BNP and their key allies, including Jamaat-E-Islami, thereby making them seem disingenuous.
For the ease of discussion, I have grouped the twenty-seven points into six broad categories: serious, routine, ambiguous, confusing, contradictory, and problematic.
‘Serious’ includes those proposals which merit further informed discussion. Unfortunately, only four points deserve such attention, namely, the proposals for a constitutional reform commission, election-time non-party caretaker government, an upper house of parliament, and strengthening local government. Here too, the matters are not completely clear-cut.
For instance, what does BNP mean by “undemocratic, unreasonable, and controversial” amendments that the constitutional commission would look into? Would this, for instance, include the fifth amendment to the constitution enacted in 1979 by General Ziaur Rahman? The same amendment which fundamentally changed the nature of the constitution by, among others, replacing Bengali nationalism with Bangladeshi nationalism, removing the ban on religious parties, giving constitutional protection to the killers of Bangabandhu and his family members, and removing secularism and adding "absolute trust and faith in Almighty Allah" in the preamble.
Read: Burden of Bangladesh’s economic and political stability must be shared
It is unclear how a non-party caretaker system can be introduced when the Supreme Court has already authoritatively ruled on its legality. It is also debatable whether an upper house of parliament would be beneficial for a country like Bangladesh or simply add to the deeply ingrained system of patronages.
While BNP aspires to make local government stronger, their assertion cannot be taken seriously without knowing what exactly BNP plans to do differently from Bangladesh’s decades long, largely unsuccessful, experimentations with various formats of local government.
‘Routine’ includes those proposals which political governments are expected to carry out anyway as general matters of governance and do not involve structural changes to the state. Additionally, some of these pledges seemed to have been made in ignorance of steps undertaken in the last fourteen years in Bangladesh.
For instance, reconstitution of constitutional, statutory and public institutions, happens anyway following transition of power and/or expiry of tenure. By the same token, it is expected that governments should be, as a matter of good governance, ensuring fair wages of the working class. The wages of RMG sector workers have been increased multiple times during the current government's successive tenures since 2009. Additionally, the existing Labour Act of 2006 (amended in 2018) provides for a review of workers' wages every five years.
When BNP talks about developing the armed forces with the supreme spirit of patriotism, the question that naturally arises is, as opposed to what? I do not believe lack of patriotism has ever been an issue for our armed forces. BNP is also stating the obvious when it talks about formulating time-befitting youth policies. It should be noted that Bangladesh, as late as in 2017, formulated a very modern youth policy in consultation with national and international stakeholders such as the Commonwealth Secretariat and the UNFPA. A national plan of action is now being implemented to realise the objectives of the said policy.
When BNP pledges to make education ‘need-based’ and ‘knowledge-based’, it is a reminder of their pledge before the 2018 election to introduce 3G mobile technology, when the country had already rolled out 4G nationwide! Bangladesh is currently implementing the objectives of the Education Policy, 2011, ‘ICT in Education’ masterplan, and the UN sustainable development goals regarding quality education, which are much more extensive, time-befitting and adaptable than the aspirations outlined by BNP.
It is noble that BNP wants to ensure that farmers get fair prices for their agricultural produce. But this is a very complex issue for a market economy and simple aspirations will not do. BNP must be able to make their case as to what mechanisms they are envisaging, over and above existing mechanisms such as agricultural credit, subsidies, or crop insurance, to achieve this aim.
Read: Mission Smart Bangladesh: AL's vision for the next phase of development
BNP has pledged to introduce a UK’s National Health Service (NHS)-like universal healthcare system. It appears that their self-exiled leader Tarique Rahman, currently living in London, has been very impressed by the NHS. This subjectivity makes this suggestion whimsical and capricious. Would the BNP have suggested Singapore’s healthcare system for replication had Tarique taken shelter there instead of the UK?
The UK has one of the largest and most efficient income tax collection system which ensures that everyone with formal employment contributes to the state coffers through a national insurance (NI) system. This large revenue net forms the basis of their welfare state. Can the same be said for Bangladesh? Without any extensive research on this issue, it is dangerous to simply want to replicate another country’s system, especially one which is substantially different in socio-economic terms.
While I agree with the principle of working towards universal health coverage (UHC), as recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO), without any guidance whatsoever as to the main challenge of healthcare financing, it is difficult to take up this proposal for discussion.
‘Ambiguous’ includes those proposals which have provided for certain visions, as opposed to concrete proposals, lacking requisite details to be taken seriously. For instance, BNP says they want to balance the power of the President, Prime Minister, and Cabinet Ministers, but does not specify how. It is doubtful whether this is even possible while retaining the existing Westminster format of ‘first-past-the-poll’ electoral system.
Although the BNP has expressed its intention to amend the 2022 law for appointment of the election commissioners, they have not identified why this is necessary, or what alternative system they are proposing. By the same token, no idea or plans have been given as to how they plan to make the judiciary "effectively" independent.
BNP also intends to form a number of commissions for administrative reforms, media reforms, and the economy. However, no details are provided as to what such commissions are meant to achieve. One academic has jokingly commented in social media that perhaps these points are meant to entice the consultants of such subjects with the prospect of future consultancies!
BNP has pledged to repeal all ‘black laws’, including indemnity for the power sector. It is fascinating to hear about ‘black laws’ from a party which gave constitutional protection to the indemnification of Bangabandhu’s killers under General Zia, and indemnification for rights abuses committed during the 2002 ‘Operation Clean Heart’ under Begum Zia.
‘Confusing’ includes those proposals for which BNP itself has not been able to reach a position. BNP says they will ‘examine’ Article 70 of the constitution. This is actually a pretty straightforward issue, either MPs are allowed to vote against their parties or they are not (subject to certain exceptions). Similarly, they talked about “considering” increasing the age for entering government service, but did not take any clear position. This issue, as far as I am aware, is being ‘considered’ by the current government too.
‘Contradictory’ includes those proposals which do not seem compatible with BNP’s or their allies’ long-standing political positions and/or their past performance records. They have pledged to fight corruption, ensure the rule of law, and better protect human rights. While these are noble aspirations to have for a political party, apart from the ambiguity as to their course of action, there is considerable doubt as to whether these will be possible to be achieved by a party led by Tarique Rahman, described as a ‘symbol of kleptocratic government’, who ran a parallel government from Hawa Bhaban, and orchestrated grenade attacks on his political opponents.
Read: Can a British legal adviser for Jamaat be considered an ‘independent voice’ for human rights?
BNP has also pledged to not tolerate any terrorist activity in Bangladesh. This is an admission of sorts, implying they did so before. This is a dubious proposition at best, given the level of state-sponsorship received by such terror groups as Haarkat-Ul-Jihad Bangladesh (HuJi-B) and Jamaatul Mujhaeedin Bangladesh (JMB) during the last BNP-Jamaat Government, and the fact that no change in leadership has transipred in the meantime.
BNP has pledged to work for religious freedom and women empowerment. This is doubtful coming from BNP, given their Islamist allies’ position regarding religious minorities and women. People still remember the nationwide violence perpetrated against Hindus following the 2001 parliamentary elections and the regular pogroms against the Ahmadiyas between 2001 and 2006. As for women, in 2011, when the Awami League formulated one of the most progressive women’s policies in Bangladesh’s history, BNP supported the opposition to the policy mounted by the extremist group Hefazat-E-Islam.
‘Problematic’ refers to those proposals which, while disguised as reform issues, seem to be motivated by ulterior intentions. For instance, BNP says they want to build a ‘Rainbow Nation’, but on the basis of ‘Bangladeshi nationalism’. Bangladeshi nationalism is basically a concept manufactured by General Zia as a means of countering the notion of Bengali nationalism, a founding value of the Liberation War. Its articulation is provided clearly in the preamble and Article 9 of the constitution. If they were serious about inclusivity and non-discrimination, they could have simply pledged to enact an anti-discrimination legislation.
They have also pledged to compile a list of all martyrs of the Liberation War. This is a particularly problematic point coming from BNP, which had within its highest forum, a convicted war criminal right until his execution, Salahuddin Quader Chowdhury. Other convicted war criminals like Abdul Alim were BNP leaders too. People were shocked by Khaleda Zia’s comments that there is controversy regarding the number of martyrs. BNP’s key ally Jamaat, an organization which produced some of Bangladesh’s most notorious war criminals, and which has itself been convicted of war crimes as an organization, has long been trying to stoke the ‘numbers’ debate for years. It is clear that this proposal, which has nothing to do with structure of the state, has ulterior motives and hence, should be treated with extreme prejudice.
The above analysis inevitably leads one to some harsh conclusions, including that BNP has a fundamental misunderstanding as to the distinction between structural reforms and policy changes. They also seem to be equating the state with governments.
Some of their pledges, while noble, cannot be taken seriously given the lack of requisite details, while it is difficult to have faith on some of their other pledges, given their own long-standing political history and past performances in government.
Shah Ali Farhad is a lawyer, researcher, and political activist. He is currently working as senior political associate at the Centre for Research and Information (CRI), and previously served as a special aide to the Prime Minister.
Don’t stop , Mubasshar Bhai
He had been in indifferent health for quite a while and once words had even been passed around that he wasn’t going to make it. A friend Swapan circulated a post on messenger seeking God’s blessings for his recovery and I posted it. But then he improved and his daughter Sonia Kristy, my colleague of almost a quarter century, said that he was getting better. It was such a relief.
Yet last night at midnight I suddenly wanted to check up on him but thought that it was too late to call. The next morning was the message from Kristy saying he had passed away. This is not a public figure dying, it’s somebody close I know and respect. It hit me like a brick. I have lost a person close to me in so many ways.
The Freedom Fighter
Many are driven by their conscience but not all act upon it. Mubassher bhai didi and in 1971, the newly married person left his bride and went to war. Not many from his class and generation did. But then he was always different from others in this respect. He was in every sense, a man of conscience.
I hate to say this but some freedom fighters of his kind took advantage of the situation once the war was over. In 1972, from street looting to occupying abandoned houses , was common and many gave in to temptation. I know of an FF who took away a decorated fancy set of sofa from a house he was protecting. Knowing such matters means there were those who fell from their own grace.
And this is one aspect which made me respect Mubasshar bhai more than others. Not an inch of dirt ever smeared his hands. His 1971 war was almost a personal affair about establishing his and his people’s integrity. He stood taller than others, a man who could claim he had never touched dirt with his hands in his life.
The missionary man
Mubasshar bhai was an architect and designed some of the most innovative buildings in the city including the Grameen Bank one but that was almost a secondary activity. He was always busy serving his conscience and prodding the same of others. He wanted a fair and just society where force would not be used to gain anything. In particular, violation of rights in the built environment of Dhaka and the open space were his major concerns . Sometimes his work was successful , often not but he kept walking , a man truly possessed of and by his conscience.
He never ran out of missions because violations are so many and he was indefatigable because for him , nothing else mattered. He was not just doing what came naturally to him and that was his reward. Nothing else mattered and till the last day standing, he fought on.
He was often on TV and I have sat with him several times in the same panel. He was the same relentless person there, arguing for rights without any concern for personal gain. Most people knew him as the fearless one on TV talk shows but he was fearless everywhere. He never made tea and coffee with his 1971 badge to distribute to others but just to his guns on right and wrong and just kept firing away. The battlefield, the protection of space movement and the talk shows were the same , a place to say and do what is right and condemn what is wrong.
So Mubasshar bhai , keep going , keep going, just don’t stop. See you!
Do sanctions ever work?
The US Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control on December 10, 2021, that is International Human Rights Day, revealed that the US has imposed sanctions on the Rapid Action Battalion (Rab), a special security force unit of Bangladesh. A number of individuals and entities across the globe who perpetrated or had a connection to human rights violations were also included in the US “sanction” list. The justification apparently lies in the US’ strenuous efforts to encourage the accountability for human rights violations and prevent abuse worldwide. In the same press release, the complementary role of countries like the UK in taking initiatives with similar intentions was highlighted, especially in the context of human rights abuse in Burma.
UK, however, did not impose sanction on Rab for reasons whatsoever, according to a report by Al Jazeera. Mohammad Ashrafuzzaman, liaison officer at the Asian Human Rights Commission, was quoted in the report as saying, “The expectation was that the UK and US, being strong allies, would be collaborating with each other by announcing back-to-back sanctions. The US did that on the 10th of December, the UK didn’t.”
Read more: ‘No reason to worry’ about new US sanctions: Momen
By referring to Toby Cadman, who was Jamaat’s legal advisor, the Al Jazeera report stated that the governments do not impose sanctions when there are no strong evidential basis. Cadman expressed his surprise that the UK did not seek any further clarifications or information regarding the evidence. Ashrafuzzaman further added that the same evidence on which the US relied to impose sanctions was sent to the UK.
In line with the report published by Al Jazeera, Chris Bryant, a Labour party legislator, questioned the last-minute stepping back of the UK during one of the sessions in the UK Parliament. Moreover, it is worth mentioning that during the “Briefing on the Human Rights Situation in Bangladesh” at the European Parliament in Brussels, Tasneem Khalil, editor-in-chief of Netra News, invited the EU to impose sanctions as the US did. In so doing, Khalil contended that the US sanction somehow led to “positive changes” in the country.
During the Cold War period, the United Nations Security Council imposed only two sanctions. However, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, sanctions were imposed on a number of countries. For this reason, George Lopez termed that as the “Sanctions Decade”. The declared objectives of sanctions include the prevention of any aggression by any state, restoration of democracy, protection of human rights, counter-terrorism, disarmament, bringing peace to the warring states, etc.
One writer puts forward, “Sanctions are the political tools that stand between diplomacy and guns, the midway between negotiations and soldiers.” Recognizing this, the UNGA Resolution No 2131 of1965 i.e. Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of Their Independence and Sovereignty states in article 1 that “[n]o State has the right to intervene, directly or indirectly, for any reason whatever, in the internal or external affairs of any State”.
The desired goals of sanctions could be very assuasive, but the hidden and, arguably, true goals are achieving geopolitical interests. Joseph E Stiglitz, who received a Nobel Memorial Prize in economics, said, “The United States appears to have entered a new cold war with both China and Russia. And US leaders’ portrayal of the confrontation as one between democracy and authoritarianism fails the smell test, especially at a time when the same leaders are actively courting a systematic human rights abuser like Saudi Arabia. Such hypocrisy suggests that it is at least partly global hegemony, not values, that is really at stake.” Depending on the geopolitical interests, the United States overlooks the lack of democracy and violations of human rights in some countries and overemphasizes such violations or propaganda thereof in other countries. We should remember that a half-truth is more dangerous than a falsity.
Read more: Rights experts decry advocacy of Jamaat’s British legal adviser to impose sanctions
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said in a press conference held on October 6, 2022, that the Rab was established in 2004 on the advice of the United States and was also trained in the same country. In this regard, she also questioned if the United States was unhappy with the anti-terrorist initiatives undertaken by the Rab.
We need to remind ourselves that the law enforcement mechanisms in this country have roots in the colonial period. During that time, repressive policing was a part of the colonial governance system. David Arnold, a historian, in one of his essays stated that the modern police system developed in Britain in tandem with the development of capitalism. The police system, however, did not treat British citizens with violent behavior. Quite the contrary, the British colonial rulers in Ireland or South Asia allowed the police to be violent. Although the responsibility for continuing this colonial system lies in us, western countries still encourage us to have a police system imbued with colonialism. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina indicates the same in her statement. The West does not apply the human rights principles equally, especially when they foster one system for US citizens and another for foreigners. The human rights violations of US soldiers in Abu Ghraib prison, or Guantanamo Bay detention center are concrete examples of this hypocrisy.
There is no evidence as such that imposed sanctions have ever come to fruition. For example, even with more than sixty years of sanctions on Cuba, the United States has not achieved its desired goals. Cuba surpasses even the wealthiest nation in terms of education and medical care. Additionally, in the first decade of this century, western countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom imposed sanctions against land reform in Zimbabwe. In this case, the sanction also did not succeed in attaining its desired goal even when there were allegations that the Zimbabwean government was destroying democratic institutions.
The writer is former Chairman, National Human Rights Commission.