United News of Bangladesh

Release of International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan for Bangladesh remains stalled due to pending reforms in the financial sector, conditions to cut subsidies and climate resilience issues. The global lender has imposed nearly a dozen conditions, including reforms in the banking sector and banking laws, capacity building of the National Board of Revenue (NBR), single-click access to taxpayer information, removal of subsidies on fuel and electricity, setting a market-based foreign exchange rate and climate resilience issues. The government is seeking US $2.0 billion additional loan as budget support from the IMF along with the remaining tranches of the $4.7 billion loan program. The government is seeking to reactivate the suspended IMF loan program and secure new funding. However, the IMF has made macroeconomic reforms and climate risk management capabilities the primary preconditions for this financing. A high-level delegation from the IMF’s Fiscal Affairs Department recently completed their visit to Dhaka to review progress in key sectors and assess tax policies, which will determine the future of the loan program. According to relevant sources, financial sector reforms and climate resilience will be a major consideration in the IMF’s new credit program. The incomplete reform activities under the previous loan program with the IMF got priority under the new program. As a result, this visit was not limited solely to assessing climate policies, but also played a crucial role in setting the future direction of economic reforms. A six-member high-level delegation from the IMF’s Technical Assistance (TA) mission visited Bangladesh at a time when the country's capacity to address climate risks, economic reforms, and the potential for new international financing are moving in parallel. The main goal of the visit, which ran from July 19 to July 30, was to conduct a full evaluation of Bangladesh’s policies, financial structures, and institutional capabilities in tackling climate change. The findings of this evaluation will also carry significant weight in discussions regarding a potential new loan program. Led by Suphachol Suphachalasai, Senior Economist in the Climate Policy Division of the IMF’s Fiscal Affairs Department, the delegation's primary focus is the 'Climate Policy Diagnostic' (CPD). Through this diagnostic, Bangladesh’s climate change mitigation policies, financing framework, and risk management capabilities will be thoroughly examined. Additionally, the team reviewed the country's overall macroeconomic situation and discussed a potential new loan program with the government. The loan program under the Resilience and Sustainability Facility (RSF) is another major topic of discussion during this visit. Under the RSF, Bangladesh received a loan facility of 1 billion Special Drawing Rights (SDR), equivalent to approximately $1.4 billion. While two-thirds of the funds have already been released, the remaining portion remains suspended. Steps have now been taken to reactivate the program. Notably, Bangladesh was the first country in Asia to secure this facility. In a report on Bangladesh, the IMF noted that the RSF would complement the Extended Credit Facility (ECF) and Extended Fund Facility (EFF). The fund aims to support measures implemented by the Bangladesh government to counter the impacts of climate change, while also helping build climate resilience and mobilizing additional public and private financing. Meanwhile, the Finance Division recently launched the ‘Public Financial Management Reform Strategy 2025–2030.’ For the first time, this strategy document includes climate-smart public financial management and gender-responsive budgeting. Furthermore, in the FY2025–26 budget, approximately Tk 42,206.89 crore has been allocated across 25 ministries for climate-related expenditures, accounting for 10.09 percent of the total budget. The IMF delegation held a series of meetings with relevant ministries and divisions on economic matters. The mission also meeting with Finance Secretary Dr. Md. Khairuzzaman Mozumder. Then the meeting was also with Bangladesh Bank, Financial Institutions Division, NBR and the Ministry of Power and Energy, Ministry of Forest and Environment and some other ministries. Dr. Md. Khairuzzaman Mozumder told UNb that the IMF held separate meetings with officials from the Macroeconomic Wing and Budget Wing of the Finance Division to review progress on climate and disaster-related initiatives. Discussions covered the current status of the ‘Bangladesh Climate Development Partnership’ and the ‘National Strategy for Disaster Risk Financing,’ alongside a detailed evaluation of how climate risks are being integrated into macroeconomic planning, he said. “We hope that the IMF will consider different difficulties of Bangladesh to meet cent percent of the loan conditions. Despite some challenges, we are expecting the loans will be released in favour of Bangladesh,” said the finance secretary. Meetings with the Ministry of Water Resources addressed flood control measures, delta and coastal management, irrigation policy, and surface and groundwater management—considered key elements in assessing Bangladesh’s readiness to face the long-term impacts of climate change. According to officials, this IMF TA mission is not merely a routine evaluation; it represents a critical stage in shaping Bangladesh’s climate policies, economic reforms, and future international financing framework. The evaluations and recommendations from this visit are expected to play a decisive role in setting priorities for a new loan program. Commenting on the matter, economist Professor Abu Ahmed told UNB that reform measures must continue for the sake of the country's economy. He added that since Bangladesh is one of the countries most affected by climate change, enhancing national capacity to manage these impacts is an urgent necessity.

Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir’s election as the country’s 23rd president on Thursday can serve an important message to observers of Bangladesh’s often dysfunctional political arena, provided we heed it: for all the discord and disunity and disruption that has afflicted it over the years, somehow it still retained the ability to reward honesty, decency and principled  leadership. Although his ascension to the top constitutional post in the republic had been more-or-less set in stone on the day Prime Minister Tarique Rahman revealed him to be the candidate of ruling party BNP, which enjoys a supermajority in parliament, the formality of having MPs vote their choice was  completed today. Standing against him was Colonel (retd) Oli Ahmed, himself a legendary figure in the BNP’s history who was now the candidate of the Jamaat e Islami-led opposition alliance. Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) AMM Nasir Uddin, also the Returning Officer of the election, announced the result soon after balloting ended in the country’s 350-seat Parliament, although currently it has 349 MPs, of whom six did not vote. Of the 343 who did, 255 voted for Mirza Fakhrul, while his opponent garnered 88 votes, in what was actually the first presidential election to take place in the country after 35 years. This made it an important institutional exercise for the country’s democracy. It means Mirza Fakhrul becomes the country’s first elected president in the aftermath of the July Uprising of 2024, the culmination of a generational struggle for democracy dating back to at least 2011. And if there is someone who lived and breathed this struggle throughout from the frontlines, that man is Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir. Just three months after the BNP's late matriarch, thrice-former prime minister Begum Khaleda Zia handpicked Fakhrul for the party’s most important organisational post, naming him as acting secretary general following the death of Khandaker Delwar Hossain in March 2011, Bangladesh’s precious democracy would be thrown into turmoil. On June 30 of that year, the Awami League-led government used its brute majority in parliament to do away with the caretaker government provision in the Constitution, under which the previous four general elections had been held. At the same time, it ushered in an era of intense government-led repression of opposition politics, as the security agencies resorted to egregious human rights violations including enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings to clamp down on the Awami League's opponents. BNP and Jamaat activists bore the brunt of the increasingly authoritarian government's hardline approach. The fact that BNP's support vastly outweighs Jamaat meant far more resources would be expended on trying to 'steamroller' BNP throughout the era. And into this cauldron we saw the entrance of a new kind of general secretary on behalf of the BNP. Thus would commence, the most important role of Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir's life in politics - an importance that, in the given circumstances, transcended even the party's interests. This was a struggle for the nation.  The Face of Resistance On February 15, 2024, Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir walked out of jail for the last time under the Awami League. It was some 39 days after the one-sided January 7, 2024 election that had sounded yet another death knell for democracy in the country, and over three-and-a-half months after Fakhrul and other senior party leaders had been picked up centring the BNP’s October 28, 2023 programme demanding the 12th general election be held under a caretaker government - or some other neutral administration. Immediately after walking out of Dhaka Central Jail that day, Fakhrul said the movement to ‘restore the right to vote’ would continue. He said the BNP did not lose anything - rather it was the government that had lost by holding a one-sided election. In less than six months, these words would prove prophetic. For a good 12 years till Tarique Rahman’s return last December, to the extent that the BNP was fighting for democracy in Bangladesh as successive AL administrations grew increasingly repressive, authoritarian and removed from the people, Mirza Fakhrul was its tribune. Following his appointment as acting secretary general in 2011 following the death of Khandaker Delwar Hossain, through to February 15, 2024, Fakhrul had more than 100 cases filed against him, was jailed multiple times, and remained incarcerated for close to 500 days. Through it all, he remained resolute in his determination to see it through. And see it through he did. It was only fitting that for one who has led the fight for the restoration of voting rights, a return to Parliament by way of an election that passed the test of all-round acceptance would precede all this. It was left somewhat incomplete, by the absence of the old enemy, but it could hardly be helped. Besides, Mirza Fakhrul was one of those who managed to get elected even when AL were manipulating the process most nakedly, in 2018 - now famous, or rather infamous, as ‘the Midnight Election’. He was left so appalled by what transpired that he ended up not taking his oath, despite winning Bogra-6. It also happened to be the one time Fakhrul could be said to have led the BNP in an election. At the time, the late Begum Khaleda Zia’s iron will was being tested in jail on trumped up charges, and Tarique Rahman still had no chance of returning to take part in politics, although he continued communicating with his supporters from exile in London. But for all intents and purposes, Fakhrul was the face of the BNP in that election. There used to be a great debate within BNP circles on the decision to take part in that election as part of the Oikya Front - whether it was the right decision or not, in retrospect. There are those who consider it to have been a disaster, and blame Fakhrul for getting the party mixed up in the whole thing. If they hadn’t done that, could AL’s exit have been ushered in sooner? Although there are those who contend so, there is really no way of knowing. What we do know is that 2018 stood out as yet another waypoint in AL’s drift into ‘electoral autocracy’. And after the vote, Mirza Fakhrul did the principled thing by not taking his seat. Even before what transpired on the eve of the election, the unprecedented level of violence directed at BNP/Oikya Front candidates (the alliance that came together with the push from Gono Forum, which had no voter base) set 2018 apart, and showed the world that AL’s dictatorial streak had become incorrigible. It also laid the groundwork for the movement ahead of the 12th general election, and its demand that they be held under a neutral authority (like the caretaker government AL had scrapped in 2011, two-and-a-half years after returning to power). So was that the right decision? If he hadn’t survived to see the fall of the Awami League, this debate could have gone on forever. But having seen it through to the end, you can really only go by what you have in front of you. And 2014-2018-2024 are part of a continuum that is now generally accepted to have been fatal to AL. Just as Fakhrul had said, six months before it all came crashing down. And countless times before of course. History can be a tenuous thing in Bangladesh, but from where we now stand, we can at least say that Mirza Fakhrul wouldn’t need to go back on a single word he uttered in those 12 years and more. Every decision he took as GS, and everything he said, has been proven right in the light of history. A gentleman, and humane too Although steeped in politics throughout his life, it is his innings as the BNP’s secretary-general during the hardest years it ever witnessed - the hardest years arguably any mainstream political party has endured in independent Bangladesh, as the principal obstacle to AL autocracy post-2009 - that will have guaranteed his legend, and it is also what makes him eminently suited to be President, the top constitutional post in the republic. Ideally, the occupants of Bangabhaban are expected to remain above the fray of politics, although it has come to be politicised. Short of the reforms envisioned in the July Charter, the post remains largely ceremonial, with not much scope to ‘rock the boat’. It can be just reward for the 78-year-old Fakhrul, whose reputation as a ‘gentleman politician’ - a confirmed rarity in the environment in which he operates - precedes even his advocacy for democracy. He was very much the chairperson’s pick, and remained loyal to his leader till the end, without compromising his own sense of self or his own persona. Perhaps less known is the humane face he brought to the role, at a time when it was most needed. As AL repression of its party activists kept growing, it fell to Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir to stand by them and their families, and assure them that it was still worth sticking it out with this party, even through the darkest corridors. He has attended countless programmes under the ‘Amra BNP Poribar’ banner - the party’s initiative to stand by the families of activists who may have been jailed, disappeared or even killed simply for supporting the BNP. Whenever he has spoken at these programmes, it has been from the heart, and with utmost respect towards the victims, never trivialising their loss. On more than one occasion, in fact on numerous occasions, he has himself broken down while relaying the suffering of some grassroot activist. He has apologised profusely to the families “for being able to do nothing for them”. Yes, whatever compensation or support has been provided, has never been publicised with fanfare - something that has stood out about the initiative. On none of these occasions did you get the impression that he was putting on a show. Some politicians would bleed themselves dry to shed some genuine tears in front of the camera - in Mirza Fakhrul’s case, you always felt he tried his best not to cry - yet couldn’t help himself. Again, it may not have been everyone’s cup of tea within the party. But it is this brand of honest, humane and principled leadership that proved vital to holding the BNP ‘poribar’ together through all those years, against tremendous odds. 2022: His finest year? Mirza Fakhrul and the BNP, as part of the pro-democracy movement in Bangladesh, must’ve sensed that 2022 would have to be the year for the lessons of the Midnight Election in 2018 to start bearing fruit. The timing of its push for a caretaker or neutral administrator would have to be just right. Despite the political, cultural and media establishment acting against it, the aim would be to show that the party still commanded such massive support among the general public that you couldn’t ignore its demands. By the end of the year, The Daily Star, in its year-end review of politics for the year, was writing: “The year 2022 marked a major turnaround for the BNP as the party seemed to have overcome the organisational weaknesses and political inertia that had been plaguing it since the disappointing results of the 2018 national polls.” (“Politics in 2022: BNP’s year of dramatic rebound,” The Daily Star, December 30, 2022) Fakhrul was ending the year in jail again, having been picked up on the eve of a hugely anticipated rally in Dhaka on December 10, that would be the culmination of a three-month programme during which the party sprang into life again. The government was clearly nervous. It was in September that Mirza Fakhrul had announced a series of public rallies in 10 divisional cities, ostensibly to denounce the price hike of daily essentials and fuels, the death of five party men in previous police action in Bhola, Narayanganj, Munshiganj and Jashore, and to demand freedom for Chairperson Khaleda Zia. Each of the first 9 rallies -  in Chattogram, Mymensingh, Khulna, Rangpur, Barishal, Faridpur, Sylhet, Cumilla and Rajshahi - had been a roaring success, with huge turnout. Activists were turning up from all corners, and taking over these divisional headquarter towns for entire weekends at times. One of the things that stood out glaringly for all to see was how the government would do everything in its power to prevent people from turning up at the programmes - for example halting public transport from serving the area - yet fail miserably. Many even swam to join these events, at a time when most government rallies had to bus people in. Most impressively, they were being held peacefully, and the messages emanating from the stage spoke of democracy - the nation’s founding aspiration. This finally, was the party in Fakhrul’s image. He of course attended and addressed the first divisional mass rally at the Polo Ground in Chattogram city, held on October 12 that year. “The government has turned the Judiciary, Police, RAB into partisan agencies. After 50 years of liberation, we have to fight again for the rights we got through independence,” he declared. Even at that first rally, the government’s nefarious efforts were apparent, and Fakhrul noted how despite attempting to obstruct many leaders and activists from joining the rally in various ways, the government could not stop them. “We cannot be suppressed by fear. The movement for the restoration of democracy that starts in Chattogram will spread to the whole of Bangladesh,” he added. It certainly set the tone for the following rallies that came around every weekend - 9 on the trot - and the momentum heading into the Dhaka rally was understandably sky-high. The government reacted as authoritarians do when they get nervous. They arrested Fakhrul and other senior leaders like Mirza Abbas and tried to prevent it from going ahead (but failed). Drawing this reaction from the government probably worked out well for the party in the end. More importantly, the rallies had put to rest any lingering doubts over the BNP’s organisational strength, or grassroots support, or the relevance of their political message. The BNP’s message in Bangladesh politics could not be ignored, and it would prove vital to the politics we would witness in 2023 ahead of the 12th parliamentary election. It wouldn’t be enough to displace the authoritarian government, nor bring about an inclusive election under a neutral administration, but resisting the BNP’s legitimate demands, in hindsight, must have taken its own toll on the government in other ways. Ways that they failed to realise before it was all too late. BNP would sit out the 2024 election again - refusing to be party to another inevitable sham. The decision would come under scrutiny again from various quarters. Fakhrul’s words on leaving jail (mentioned at the start) would be mocked in many quarters, or be met with frustration. But history would prove him right. He was right about everything. Thankfully he’s too much of a gentleman to rub it in. Right and Ready Perhaps sensing his elevation (or being clued in on it), in one of his last engagements as a member of the cabinet on July 30, Mirza Fakhrul delivered a message befitting his stature, though it risked embarrassing his own government. Addressing a discussion organised by the Information & Broadcasting Ministry in the capital, Fakhrul lamented that although the July Uprising was driven by a desire for change, the old ways continued to persist within the administration. “I say this with deep pain. After serving as a minister for the past four or five months, I feel I should share some of what I have experienced. From what I have seen, nothing has changed. Those who took bribes before are still finding ways to do so, and those who obstructed good initiatives are still standing in their way,” he said. “I am saying these things with regret. I am old. This time, I truly wanted to see change. So far, I do not see that change among us. Not only the government or political leadership, but the mindset of every person in society also needs to change. Otherwise, the sacrifices of July will not bring the desired result,” he added. His tone was like in those Amra BNP Poribar programmes - frank and heartfelt, not hectoring. It was compelling. And eminently presidential.

The government is set to undertake a series of programmes from fiscal 2026-27 to expand overseas employment, diversify labour markets, improve skills and strengthen welfare services for Bangladeshi migrant workers. Bangladeshi migrant workers play a vital role in driving the national economy, contributing billions of dollars in remittances despite facing high recruitment costs and various forms of abuse at overseas workplaces. According to a budget document, the government is giving special priority to creating new overseas employment opportunities while ensuring safe migration, affordable financing and better governance in migration management. As part of the initiatives, the government will introduce a dedicated ‘Probashi Card’ for migrant workers on a phased basis from FY27.  The card will contain workers’ personal information, skills and employment details and will be linked with a bank payment gateway to make remittance transfers easier, faster and more secure. The card will also be connected to expatriate welfare services, insurance, banking facilities and emergency assistance. The Probashi Card is a government initiative aimed at providing a unified identity and service platform forworkers and strengthening the institutional support available to expatriate workers.  The card is designed to help  workers access various government services and benefits more easily, while also maintaining a digital record of their migration and employment-related information.  It can play an important role in ensuring safer, more orderly and transparent migration by connecting workers with relevant government agencies and service providers.  Through the initiative, migrant workers can potentially receive information and support related to overseas employment, migration procedures, welfare services, financial assistance, insurance, training and other facilities.  The card is also expected to help streamline services provided by institutions such as the Ministry of Expatriates’ Welfare and Overseas Employment, the Bureau of Manpower, Employment and Training (BMET) and the Wage Earners’ Welfare Board.  For workers going abroad, having a recognised digital identity can reduce dependence on intermediaries and make it easier to verify their employment and migration status.  It may also help the government maintain more accurate data on Bangladeshi workers abroad and improve policy planning for overseas employment. According to the Bureau of Manpower, Employment and Training (BMET), 1,011,869 workers migrated abroad from Bangladesh between January and December 2024, a 30% decrease from the 1,307,890 workers who left in 2023. Notably, 95% of these workers were employed in just five countries—Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, Qatar, Singapore, and the UAE. The government is also focusing on expanding existing labour markets and opening new destinations. Initiatives have already been taken to sign bilateral agreements with Russia, Portugal, Romania, Brazil, Greece, Serbia and North Macedonia. At the same time, steps have been taken to reopen labour markets in Malaysia, Oman, the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait after prolonged closures. To improve confidence among foreign employers, the government plans to introduce a robust Skill Verification Programme under which workers’ skills, experience and certifications will be verified. A Smart Skill Bank will be developed as a database of verified workers, while internationally recognised digital certificates will be issued to qualified workers. The initiative is expected to facilitate direct recruitment of skilled Bangladeshi workers by foreign employers. The government also plans to strengthen technical and vocational training facilities from FY27 by upgrading equipment and constructing new facilities.  Around 7,500 local trainers and 1,000 foreign expert trainers will be engaged in government technical institutions, including polytechnic institutes, Technical Training Centres and institutions under the Bangladesh Technical Education Board. Another 1,000 language instructors and native speakers will be recruited to strengthen foreign language training. A Foreign Language E-Learning Centre and a Migration Market Research Institute will also be established under the Ministry of Expatriates’ Welfare and Overseas Employment to improve language skills and identify emerging labour market opportunities. The government further plans to establish Bangladesh Support Centres at embassies in major migrant worker destination countries. The centres will assist Bangladeshi workers facing imprisonment, abuse or deception, help them find new employment, provide legal assistance in disputes with employers and undertake social protection and rehabilitation programmes for returning migrants. Measures will also be taken to simplify the repatriation of the mortal remains of Bangladeshi workers who die abroad, ensuring their dignified return home. The government said the migration process has already been fully digitised through the Overseas Employment Platform (OEP). To increase the supply of skilled workers, activities of the existing 110 Technical Training Centres at district and upazila levels will be strengthened, alongside plans to construct 50 new TTCs in another 50 upazilas. Under the project “Providing Driving Training for Employment at Home and Abroad (1st Revised)”, training is currently being provided to 102,400 people to develop skilled drivers for employment opportunities in Europe, Japan and the Middle East. The government will also continue providing easy-term loans of up to Tk 10 lakh to overseas-bound workers through Probashi Kallyan Bank and expand the coverage of the programme. Meanwhile, the government expects remittance inflows to maintain their strong growth. According to the budget document, monthly remittance inflows reached a record US$3.75 billion in March 2026, one month after the government assumed office. The government said the strong performance reflected the confidence of expatriate Bangladeshis in the democratic government and expects the positive trend to continue. To sustain remittance growth, the government will encourage the use of formal channels and continue the existing 2.5 per cent cash incentive for remittances sent through legal channels.

Nine government primary schools in Gaibandha district have been swallowed by the Teesta, Jamuna and Brahmaputra rivers in just one month, even as riverbank protection projects are being implemented. Besides, six educational institutions are now under serious threat of erosion, leaving the education of nearly 3,000 children uncertain, according to Gaibandha District Primary Education Office. Bhorer Pakhi Government Primary School in Kapasia Union of Sundarganj upazila was washed away by the Teesta early Tuesday morning. Locals alleged that Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB) took only nominal measures to protect the school. Kapasia Union Chairman Monju Mia said local people repeatedly tried to save the school but received little effective support. “We tried our best to protect the school, but nobody listened,” he said, alleging that the erosion-control work has become more focused on financial gain than on protecting vulnerable communities. The school has now disappeared into the Teesta, leaving hundreds of children without a proper place to continue their education. The situation is equally alarming along the Jamuna and Brahmaputra rivers. During the current erosion season, Char Chowmohon Government Primary School in Fulchhari upazila was washed away by the Jamuna. Uttar Khatiarmari Government Primary School was also lost, while Sitasati Government Primary School in Mollarchar of Gaibandha Sadar was swallowed by the Brahmaputra. In Fulchhari, Char Pipulia Government Primary School, Galna Government Primary School and Kotokpara Government Primary School, among others, have also been lost to river erosion. In some cases, teachers and members of school management committees managed to rescue tin roofing, benches and other movable assets before the buildings were consumed by the rivers. At least 1,500 students from the nine affected schools could not sit for their quarterly examinations. Although authorities said classes are continuing after the affected schools were relocated, the situation on the ground appears markedly different. Several schools have been moved to makeshift structures in isolated locations without adequate benches, chairs or tables. Local residents also alleged that teachers do not regularly attend and that influential individuals have become involved in controlling potential new school sites. Meanwhile, six more government primary schools are standing dangerously close to the Jamuna riverbank. They are Char Paschim Khatiarmari Government Primary School, Ketkirhat Government Primary School, Kauyabada Government Primary School, Kotiar Vita Government Primary School, Gouripur Government Primary School and Char Dakumari Government Primary School. In several threatened schools, local people have begun dismantling tin sheets, fences and supporting posts and moving them to safer locations in anticipation of further erosion. Residents and union chairmen said  they repeatedly sought help from the local administration and the Water Development Board but effective protective measures did not materialise. The erosion has already forced many families to abandon their homesteads, agricultural land and ancestral land and move elsewhere. Gaibandha District Primary Education Officer Lakkhan Kumar Das said the schools destroyed by river erosion have been shifted to alternative locations.“Schools that have been washed away are being relocated. Where buildings could not be moved, they will be shifted soon following decisions by the education committees,” he said. He also said classes are continuing despite the destruction caused by river erosion.  

For years, a fragile wooden bridge served as a vital lifeline for people living in and around Pranath Char in Shahidbagh Union of Kaunia upazila of Rangpur. Now, with a section of the bridge collapsing into the river, thousands of residents from at least 10 villages have been left struggling to cross the waterway, with many forced to rely on small boats. The bridge, which was built to facilitate communication across the river, has long been in a dilapidated condition. Recently, part of it gave way and fell into the river, disrupting everyday movement and leaving local communities effectively cut off. Schoolchildren, pregnant women, elderly people and those who are sick are the worst sufferrers. Many students now have to cross the river by small boats or use the remaining portions of the damaged bridge, exposing themselves to serious risks. A visit to the area found residents waiting for boats to cross the river, while the broken bridge stood as a stark reminder of the deteriorating infrastructure on which the communities depend. The crisis is particularly serious for local farmers. Pranath Char and neighbouring areas are predominantly agriculture-based, and farmers depend on the bridge to transport paddy, vegetables and other produce to nearby markets.

State-run Biman Bangladesh Airlines has floated a fresh Request for Proposal (RFP) to dry lease three Boeing 787-9 Dreamliners for six years after failing to secure the aircraft under a previous tender. According to Biman sources, the response for the first Request for Proposal (RFP) is poor that pushed the national flag carrier to float the fresh one. Biman issued the new RFP on Aug 10, setting the deadline for submission of proposals at 10:00am BST (0400 GMT) on Aug 25, according to the airline’s Corporate Planning Department. The national flag carrier had floated the previous tender on July 15, with a submission deadline of Aug 9. Under the new RFP, Biman seeks three Boeing 787-9 aircraft for a 72-month lease, with immediate induction preferred and delivery by Jan 1, 2027. Aircraft offered for delivery up to Feb 28, 2027, will also be considered during the technical evaluation. A dry lease means the lessor provides the aircraft while the airline assumes responsibility for its operation, including pilots, cabin crew, maintenance and insurance. Biman has specified that the aircraft must not be more than 15 years old as of June 30, 2027, and should be powered by GEnx-1B74/75 engines with a maximum take-off weight of 254, 000 kg. Preference will be given to sister-ship aircraft offered by the same lessor. Each aircraft must have a two-class configuration with more than 300 seats, including 180-degree full-flat Business Class seats and at least 31-inch seat pitch in Economy Class. All seats must be new, it said. The aircraft must be delivered in fully operational condition with valid Certificates of Airworthiness and Registration and immediately after a fresh C-check. Biman also stipulated that major scheduled maintenance, including heavy maintenance checks and landing gear overhauls, should not become due within the first 24 months of the lease. The aircraft must be painted in Biman’s official livery at the lessor’s expense and based at Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport in Dhaka. The RFP also specifies advanced avionics and safety systems, including Engine Health Monitoring, Aircraft Health Monitoring, Flight Data Monitoring, upgraded flight recorders, TCAS Version 7.1, ACARS, Terrain Awareness and Warning Systems, satellite communications and GPS/GNSS navigation. The aircraft must comply with applicable FAA, EASA and Civil Aviation Authority of Bangladesh regulations. Biman expects each aircraft to operate around 4,000 flight hours annually. Financial proposals must separately quote monthly lease rentals, maintenance reserves for major components and security deposits. The evaluation will give 25 percent weight to technical criteria and 75 percent to financial viability, based on the Net Present Value of cash flows over the 72-month lease period. Technically responsive bidders will subsequently enter into negotiations with Biman in Dhaka. Biman has reserved the right to accept or reject any or all proposals without assigning any reason. The airline currently has 19 aircraft in its fleet, comprising four Boeing 777-300ERs, four Boeing 787-8s, two Boeing 787-9s, four Boeing 737s and five Dash 8-400s. Biman began modernising its fleet with new-generation aircraft after signing agreements with Boeing in April and May 2008 to purchase four 777-300ERs, four 787-8s and two 737-800s. The four 777-300ERs joined the fleet between October 2011 and March 2014, while the 737-800s were inducted in 2015 and 2019. Four Boeing 787-8s were added between 2018 and 2019. Biman also acquired three Dash 8 aircraft under a government-to-government agreement between Bangladesh and Canada. The aircraft joined the fleet in December 2020, February 2021 and March 2021.

Rows of plastic bottles and glass jars filled with vividly coloured fish line the courtyard of a home in Patuakhali town, creating an unusual sight in the neighbourhood. Red, blue, yellow and multicoloured bettas, mollies, guppies and swordtails dart through the water. Behind the colourful display is a young entrepreneur whose hobby has grown into a thriving business earning him more than Tk 100,000 a month. Meherab Emon started breeding ornamental fish in 2021, shortly after completing his studies. What began as a personal interest soon became a commercial venture, despite a difficult start in which most of his first fish died. Nowadays, his home-based farm in Kalatala area of Patuakhali municipality houses thousands of ornamental fish of different varieties. Emon's interest began during a visit to his sister's home in Dhaka, where he saw betta fish in different colours. Fascinated by them, he borrowed money from friends to buy his first five pairs and began breeding them. But the venture almost failed at the beginning. With little knowledge of fish care, Emon lost most of his initial stock. Instead of giving up, he turned to online videos and other sources to learn about water quality, feeding, temperature control and breeding. He then began conducting his own experiments. “At first, I knew very little about fish farming. I started with five pairs simply as a hobby, but many of the fish died,” Emon said. “I realised that keeping fish is not just about buying them. You have to understand everything from water quality and feeding to temperature and breeding. I started learning online and experimenting myself. Gradually, the mortality rate fell and production increased,” he said. A colourful business Emon's farm now produces several varieties, including fighter bettas, moon-tail mollies, rose-tail and feather-tail varieties, goldfish and half-moon bettas. It takes about four months for fish to grow from eggs to a size suitable for sale, he said. Depending on species and quality, a pair can fetch between Tk 500 and Tk 1,500. At wholesale rates, 100 fish can sell for around Tk 12,000 to Tk 13,000. Emon spends approximately Tk 10,000 to Tk 12,000 a month on fish feed. He produces a substantial portion of the feed himself, helping reduce costs while ensuring a steady supply. “The most important thing in ornamental fish farming is regular care. Water quality must be maintained, fish have to be fed on time and separate arrangements are needed during breeding,” he said. From Patuakhali to markets across Bangladesh Emon's customers are no longer limited to Patuakhali. Through online sales, he now receives orders from Dhaka, Chattogram, Sylhet, Khulna, Bagerhat, Bogura and Rajshahi, among other places. The fish are transported alive to customers across the country through courier services, requiring careful packaging and handling. “Online sales have made the business much easier. Previously, I could only sell locally. Now customers from different parts of the country place orders online and I send the fish by courier,” Emon said. “However, shipping live fish requires great care in packaging and transportation.” The farm has also attracted customers of different ages, particularly children and teenagers. Twelve-year-old Hasan is among them. “I really like colourful fish. There are so many varieties and colours here, and they look beautiful. That's why I came to buy some,” he said. Hasan said his parents initially did not support his interest in keeping ornamental fish but later changed their minds after seeing him spend less time on his mobile phone and more time caring for the fish. Local customer Asaduzzaman Milon said residents previously had to travel outside Patuakhali to buy ornamental fish. “Now we can find different varieties in the town itself. I like Emons initiative, and the fish are good quality. I was also inspired by him to start keeping ornamental fish,” he said. Neighbour Monir Gazi said ornamental fish had become increasingly popular as a hobby. “If more such initiatives are developed locally, the growing demand can be met more easily. Ornamental fish farming could also help create employment opportunities for unemployed people,” he said. Family joins the venture Emon's father, Mofazzal Hossain, witnessed the struggles of the business from its earliest days. He recalled how almost all of the first fish died after his son borrowed money to purchase them. “We were worried when almost all the fish died at the beginning. But Emon did not give up. He kept trying and learning,” Mofazzal said. “Now he has become self-reliant. Emon's mother and I are also involved in the fish farm. The income from the business is now enough to support our family comfortably,” he said.

Around 200 students of Minajpur Government Primary School in Jibannagar upazila have been forced to attend classes under the open sky and in the veranda due to a severe shortage of classrooms. The situation becomes particularly difficult during the rainy season. Even light rain forces teachers to stop lessons, while students often rush home with their books and notebooks to keep them dry. Established in 1968 and nationalised in 1973, the school had a three-room building that was declared risky in 2021. The building was auctioned and demolished in 2024, but construction of a replacement building has yet to begin. The school now has only two usable classrooms for students from Classes I to V. Since there is not enough space for all five classes, students of three classes are taught in the veranda or in the open.

Acute load shedding caused by a shortfall in electricity supply is disrupting industrial production and irrigation in Naogaon, with factories cutting output and farmers struggling to keep Aman rice fields irrigated amid persistent hot weather. Areas outside the district town are facing power outages of up to seven to eight hours a day while industries are increasingly relying on diesel-run generators to keep their operations going. The additional fuel costs are squeezing profit margins, forcing some businesses to reduce operating hours despite continued demand for their products. Naogaon, one of Bangladesh’s major rice-producing districts, has more than 700 rice mills. The district also has numerous small and large factories producing food and food products, agricultural machinery, plastics and light-engineering goods. At Ghosh Automatic Rice Mill in Sultanpur of Naogaon municipality, which falls under the Northern Electricity Supply Company (Nesco), power was unavailable for around four hours between noon on Wednesday and 11am on Thursday. “We faced load shedding five to six times in the last 24 hours. Each outage lasted around an hour,” said mill owner Dwijen Ghosh. He said the mill has been using diesel to keep its machinery running during outages, sharply increasing production costs. “Even though there is demand for our products we are having to shut the mill to save on diesel costs. If this continues, it will become impossible to keep the factory running,” he said. At Nasim Brothers Automatic Rice Mill in Naogaon BSCIC industrial estate, manager Saiful Islam said the factory is experiencing five to six hours of load shedding every day, with individual outages lasting one to one and a half hours. “Production has fallen by around 30 percent,” he said. Although the mill has a generator running it continuously is too expensive because of the rising cost of diesel, he added. The situation is also affecting businesses in the town.  

A new committee of Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD), the student wing of ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) is likely to be announced anytime soon as the existing committee, led by Rakibul Islam Rakib and Nasir Uddin Nasir, is at its fag-end. Party sources said the new JCD committee would be declared after receiving the final green signal from BNP Chairman and Prime Minister Tarique Rahman. On Thursday night, Prime Minister Tarique Rahman held an urgent meeting with the five top JCD leaders at the chairman's Gulshan political office. After the meeting, outgoing JCD President Rakibul Islam Rakib and General Secretary Nasir Uddin Nasir posted emotional farewell messages on Facebook, signalling the end of their tenure.