United News of Bangladesh

On the evening of July 15, 2016, the ''Fethullahist Terrorist Organization'' (FETO) launched a bloody coup attempt against the people and the government of the Republic of Türkiye. Fethullah Gülen and his disciples were behind this coup attempt. FETO affiliated army units left their barracks to occupy key locations, fighter jets and attack helicopters bombed strategic targets including the Parliament, Presidential compound, army and police headquarters. Our citizens from all backgrounds and political views took to the streets to stop this unprecedented heinous coup attempt. On that night, the Turkish people defended democracy with their lives. The plotters killed 253 innocent civilians and left thousands injured. FETO, under the guise of promoting education and inter-religious dialogue, managed to cover its malign intentions for many years. The disciples of Gülen believed that he is the ''Messiah'' and their loyalty is to him only, making them violate any legal, religious or ethical codes in order to advance the vicious interests of this group. To conceal its sinister and heinous agenda, Gülen has formed a broad network of schools, NGO's and businesses operating not only in Türkiye, but also in many countries. Terrorist organization FETO poses a threat not only to Türkiye but also other countries in which it is active. In many countries, terrorist organisation FETO-linked entities have been banned and their members expelled. Many schools affiliated with this terrorist organization abroad have been transferred to the Turkish Maarif Foundation after 2016. FETO is recognized as a terrorist organization by the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and the Asian Parliamentary Assembly (APA). The heinous coup attempt of 15 July 2016 is the worst act of terrorism in the history of the Republic of Türkiye. 15 July is observed as the Democracy and National Unity Day in Türkiye. On the 10th anniversary of this day, I pay tribute to our martyrs who defended democracy against terrorist organization FETO and express my gratitude to the veterans of 15 July. Ramis Şen is the Turkish Ambassador to Bangladesh

There are moments in football when silence seems to speak more loudly than words. After the final whistle, millions of Brazilian hearts around the world felt the same weight of disappointment. I know that many of those hearts were here in Bangladesh. To the extraordinary supporters of Brazil in this country, I wish to say, first of all: thank you. Thank you for wearing our colours, for raising our flag, for singing for our players, for believing in Brazil with such generous and sincere passion. Your love for our national team moves us deeply. This defeat hurts. It hurts because football, for Brazilians, is never merely a game. It is memory, childhood, family, music, joy, hope — and sometimes, as today, heartbreak. But heartbreak is also part of every great love. And the love between Brazil and football has survived many painful nights. Carlo Ancelotti, the Brazilian Coach, and Rodrigo Caetano, football coordinator of the Brazilian Footbal Confederation, have both reminded us that this is not the end of a story, but the beginning of a new cycle. They spoke of renewal, commitment, patience and trust in the future. These words matter. Brazil will rise again — not because defeat is easy to overcome, but because rising again is part of who we are. To our Bangladeshi friends, who suffer with us and celebrate with us as if Brazil were also your home, please receive our deepest gratitude. Your affection is a gift to the Brazilian people. In moments like this, we understand that football can create a kind of brotherhood stronger than distance, language or borders. The yellow jersey will shine again. The music will return. The joy will return. And when Brazil rises once more, we will remember those who stood by us when the night was hardest. H. E. Paulo F. D. Feres is the Ambassador of Brazil in Bangladesh

The world is more dangerous than it has been for decades, and families across the United Kingdom are feeling the impact. War has returned to Europe, pushing up energy bills at home. A closed strait 3,000 miles away drives up prices at the petrol pump. Cyber-attacks from the other side of the world force British firms to shut down overnight. And criminal smuggling gangs make billions breaching our borders. Geopolitical instability, economic coercion, technological change and a ravaged climate are creating a perfect storm. Having dealt with these threats on the international stage this last year, it is very clear to me the rapid pace at which that storm is now gathering, and the real risks for the UK if we are not ready to act. We are not alone in facing these challenges. Across the world, nations are being buffeted by events and feeling powerless to respond. The result is a rising sense of frustration that is straining the fabric of democracies.  Here in the UK, successive foreign policy mistakes over many years have left us more exposed than we should have been. The world changed around us, but we failed to properly adapt and ducked difficult, but necessary, domestic public debates.  Since 2024, the Labour government has worked hard to begin turning that inheritance around. But a good start is not the same as keeping pace. Because the toughest tests lie ahead. Yet, Britain is far from powerless. Ours is an extraordinary country, with capabilities few can match and values that others still look to. As the old world order is remade, we must build our sovereign strengths and put them to work – turning our values into action and convening the agile alliances these challenges demand. Our task is not just to weather the storm but to steer an active course. Our purpose is to shape the world, not to be shaped by it. That is how we make Britain safer, stronger and more prosperous at home.  Instability in the world Last month in eastern Poland, I walked with army officers along concrete trenches they are digging for miles along NATO’s eastern flank – a sign of how seriously they take the need to defend against Russian tanks. On the Chad border earlier this year I met Sudanese women, survivors of atrocities in a war the world has failed to end. In the Gulf, I heard from businesses wrestling with how to get supplies moving through the blocked Strait of Hormuz. Time and again in discussions with our closest allies, I have been conscious of how much our focus is on our shared security and dealing with the instability we face. In 2025, the world had more active armed conflicts than at any time since 1945, with almost 120 million people fleeing their homes. Danger no longer comes only from the battlefield – cyber and hybrid threats now reach us in new and unpredictable ways. At the same time, the economic order is being reshaped. The rise of China and India is shifting the global economy’s centre of gravity. Tech firms now wield more power than mid-sized nations. The biggest economies have pulled back from global trade rules, with protectionism rising. Openness itself is being exploited through tariffs, chokeholds on critical minerals and, above all, the weaponisation of energy.  All of this has a direct impact on Britain, through higher food prices, lost jobs, the spread of mis- and disinformation, and illegal migration that erodes public trust. We should not kid ourselves that this is the peak of the storm. Climate-driven disasters are triggering more humanitarian crises, which will put new pressures on food, energy and migration. Meanwhile, the accelerating pace of technological change brings phenomenal opportunities and new threats. Last month, in Shenzhen, China, I saw the extraordinary promise of AI and robotics used for life-saving healthcare. But the same technologies are also reshaping the future of warfare, crime and social cohesion in alarming ways. Geopolitics is changing, too. The United States is pulling back from its traditional role as guarantor of global security, and while Europe, including Britain, has begun to step up, we must do more for ourselves. At the same time, China – our fourth-biggest trading partner – poses significant threats to our cyber security. Great power politics is back, and the rules-based order and long-standing alliances that Britain did so much to build are being challenged. Call it the end of the old world order or the age of instability, but more often it just feels like being at the mercy of forces far beyond our control. And that sense of powerlessness weakens the resilience of democracy, because if people feel that normal politics is failing to solve their problems, they can turn towards something much angrier and more extreme. Amidst the dangers, the instability is also generating extraordinary opportunities. New technologies, markets and partnerships all play to Britain’s character and capabilities. Strong economic growth across many developing economies has lifted billions out of poverty, creating new openings for British trade and investment. Developments in AI, quantum computing and robotics are giving rise to incredible new possibilities for British scientists. The fluidity in geopolitics and geoeconomics creates chances for the kinds of creative diplomacy that we are good at.  So, Britain has choices to make. We don’t have to stand by while our security, prosperity and democracy are undermined. But defending them requires a clear-eyed plan to build Britain’s strength and to uphold our values so we are ready for the challenges ahead. Britain’s strength in the world In theory, Britain should be well placed to respond to a rapidly changing world.  We are a leading European military and nuclear power, and a permanent member of the UN Security Council, with intelligence capabilities and diplomatic reach that span the globe. We are a G7 nation, at the heart of the Five Eyes partnership, part of the Commonwealth of 56 nations, and a global financial centre drawing investment from around the world. We have world-class universities and research institutions, and stand among a handful of countries at the frontier of AI and life sciences. And in our King we have a figure of global standing and respect. We are one of the most connected and influential nations on earth, with relationships and standing that few others can match. But, above all, we should not underestimate how important our values are in building trust and strength overseas: our sense of fairness, our multilateralism, our humanitarianism and our respect for the rule of law.  History shows the difference Britain has made when it deploys those values – we helped deliver NATO and the Marshall Plan, the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), the Geneva Conventions and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the ban on landmines and cluster bombs, the Kyoto Agreement and the cancellation of developing country debt. And over the past year, from Ebola to Hurricane Melissa, we have stepped up. Our values mean we act not only because it serves Britain, but because it is the right thing to do. How we got here and what we got wrong Yet we have to be honest with ourselves that in recent decades we took Britain’s strengths for granted and failed to grasp how fast the world was changing. Complacency took Britain from shaping the global rules to standing on the sidelines. First, we pretended the post-Cold War peace dividend would last forever. In 2010, the defence budget was cut by 8 per cent in real terms. In 2014, Russia annexed Crimea. And yet the warnings went unheeded for almost a decade before defence spending began to recover. So, when the full-scale invasion of Ukraine came in 2022, years of under-investment meant we were much less prepared than we should have been. Second was how we managed globalization. Over decades, economic integration has delivered faster growth and higher living standards. However, in the UK the benefits were not evenly felt and some communities badly lost out. At the same time, we deepened our dependency on a handful of countries for energy, parts and key technologies, with little thought given to the resilience of those supply chains. Now the chickens have come home to roost. Covid and the war in Ukraine sent food and energy prices soaring, while China has tightened its grip over the critical minerals on which our economy depends.  Third, we grew complacent about our international relationships. We assumed that Britain’s influence was a permanent fact rather than something requiring constant maintenance and determined diplomacy. That confidence was tested when we left the EU. [Political content removed] Our relationships frayed and one of our strongest assets – our reputation for seriousness – was vandalized.  Finally, successive governments have failed to level with the country about global challenges or to nurture public support for difficult foreign policy choices. [Political content removed] And on defence, we haven’t yet had the kind of public engagement our Scandinavian and Eastern European partners have been through on the choices needed to face growing threats.  All of this has left the UK more exposed – less prepared to seize new opportunities, less resilient in the face of new threats.  Since coming into government in July 2024, we have begun to turn that around. We have raised defence spending at the fastest rate since the Cold War, and struck important new trade deals with India, the Gulf, Europe and the US. Keir Starmer has rebuilt our European relationships, brought together the Coalition of the Willing to sustain support for Ukraine, and deepened our role in NATO. We have recognized the state of Palestine and the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination.  In the Foreign Office, we have sharpened our focus on security in every form: national security, economic security and border security. When the NATO alliance risked fracturing over Greenland, we stood firm in defence of the sovereignty of Denmark and Greenland, and worked with allies to ensure the protection of the High North was best delivered through a new unified NATO Arctic mission. When Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz, we assembled a coalition of 40 nations to defend the principle of freedom of navigation and to lay the groundwork for the Multinational Military Mission. Our significantly expanded migration team is now working across the world to tackle illegal migration at its source. We have strengthened our commitment to international principles and agreements – working across 46 countries to reform rather than abandon the operation of the ECHR so that it better tackles illegal migration. And this spring we supported allies and partners under fire in the Gulf, but we did not provide support for offensive action by the US and Israel in Iran. And at a time when rights are being rolled back internationally, we have made women and girls a specific priority for the FCDO and worked to keep the spotlight on the atrocities faced by the women of Sudan. Where we go from here But the challenges we face are set to grow. Meeting them will require action in three areas: 1: Greater strength and resilience  First, we need to go much further to build Britain’s sovereign strength and resilience. Delivering modern capabilities and more investment for our armed forces is essential both for our sovereign defence and to maintain our influence and leadership in Europe and the NATO alliance that is the cornerstone of our security. That is why the Defence Investment Plan is vital, and we will need next to quickly establish a clear pathway towards delivering 3 per cent of GDP in defence. But security isn’t just about military capabilities. At a time when economics is being weaponized, energy and economic security have become the vital underpinnings of trade and growth. Major economies outside the main trading blocs need to work more closely to diversify production in key supply chains such as critical minerals – including on finance, strategic projects and standards. Also vital is our work to strengthen our energy security through the green transition and to build climate security across the world.  Nor should we underestimate the importance of strengthening our democratic resilience. That means better defending ourselves against hybrid threats, cyber-attacks and information warfare – for example, through the Foreign Office’s expanding capabilities to identify, expose and sanction Russian disinformation factories.  For me, this is also about using international cooperation to tackle the issues that undermine public trust. Which is why we plan to go further, working with the Home Office and with overseas partners on tackling smuggling gangs, developing innovative return arrangements, reforming global resettlement and preventing illegal migration.  Most importantly, democratic resilience requires public confidence and honest public debate about the global risks, opportunities and choices we face. We have to make the case that a stronger Britain abroad is better for jobs, security and the cost of living at home.  2: Determined diplomacy  Second, we need to be more assertive and agile in our alliances. We may not be a military or economic superpower, but we can be a convening superpower – the country that brings others together and charts a collective way forward.  Our relationship with the United States remains deeply rooted and deeply valued, and we will continue to work closely with it in NATO and beyond. But we should no longer expect the US to play the role it once did. There will continue to be issues where we disagree. But reduced dependence on any single ally will make us stronger, so that our partnerships rest on what we bring, not on what we need. That means working more closely with our European partners, but without trying to turn the clock back to 2016. With economics and security more intertwined, Europe’s future depends on what happens from the UK to Ukraine, from Norway to Türkiye and not just within the EU. We need to develop a new, structured relationship with Europe, leading the development of its new security architecture, with a more European NATO at its core. And we must settle our relationship with the EU as a closer but stable partnership, rather than one based on endless incremental bargaining. Further afield, we must make a virtue of the fast-moving and fluid world order to build new and agile alliances. Some will be enduring partnerships of like-minded countries, such as AUKUS or our growing engagement in the CPTPP trans-Pacific trade agreement. Others will be convened quickly to tackle a single crisis as we and France have done on Ukraine and the Strait of Hormuz. Few other nations can convene in this way.  But in what may be the greatest security challenge of the next decade, I believe we have to put our convening power to work to tackle the profound new global risks posed by AI. We can only exploit the amazing opportunities of frontier technologies if there is sufficient international consensus on how to approach safety and guardrails. Britain is well placed to lead this debate. We are the third-most developed country on AI, after the US and China, and the leading voice on AI security. [Political content removed] There are clear parallels with the international consensus the UK helped to build around nuclear safety after the Second World War. The world has been able to build and rely on nuclear power stations, nuclear technology and the containment of nuclear weapons only because of the principles agreed and safety commitments made by global powers.  But there are no such agreed principles between global powers on AI. On nuclear, international agreement came only after the world saw the terrifying power of the new technology at Hiroshima – and asked what would happen if it fell into the wrong hands. We cannot afford to wait for an AI equivalent of Hiroshima before we act.  The AI Safety Summit at Bletchley Park in 2023 showed that the UK can rally the world on AI security. We need to draw on that leadership capability now, pulling countries together, including the US, China and other major AI powers, to build consensus on safety principles and standards today.  3: More confidence in our values Third, we must not forget the enduring importance of our values. Other countries may pull away from the international rules-based order or from multilateral institutions such as the United Nations. We will not. And that also means being more assertive in upholding that order where it counts. In Sudan, 14 million people have been driven from their homes and atrocities continue. We have sanctioned perpetrators and mobilized humanitarian support. But we must work urgently with international partners to prevent more atrocities and press the outside powers fuelling this war to end it.  In the Middle East, we have recognized the state of Palestine, supported the Gaza ceasefire, provided humanitarian support and sanctioned extremist settlers in the West Bank. But the scale of the humanitarian crisis is escalating. Israel continues to restrict vital aid and the 20-point Gaza peace plan risks running into the ground.  We urgently need new energy behind the peace plan, to go further on enforcement including new sanctions and greater action against trade with illegal settlements, and stronger action against those who are trying to destroy any chance of a two-state solution that is the only way to deliver security, peace and justice for Israelis and Palestinians alike. On humanitarian crises, development and climate change, we must continue to be international champions, even where budgets are lower. That means driving support for fragile and conflict-affected states, supporting the poorest and most vulnerable, and changing our development approach to treat countries as partners for investment, so they can move beyond aid. Only through international cooperation can we hope to tackle the pace of global warming that is putting all our futures at risk. And we have an international leadership role to play standing up for the rights and protection of women and girls at a time when many countries are rowing back. There is no clearer test of the world we are prepared to defend than how it treats half its people. The new global coalition on violence against women and girls we are building is a chance to pursue justice for women internationally and help improve women’s safety here at home.  Conclusion The decade ahead brings real risk, but real opportunity, too. Our task is to build Britain’s strength and resilience in every form, and use that strength as both a force for good in the world and, above all, a force to improve the lives of British people.  Because effective foreign policy is domestic policy. Opening the Strait of Hormuz protects our economy. International return agreements strengthen immigration enforcement. And NATO exercises in the North Sea protect our undersea cables, deter Russian threats and keep our country safe.  As the world changes, we can be a principled architect of what comes next, realistic about challenges, but determined to shape the world for the better. That is how we make our country safer, our economy stronger and our people more secure. The Rt Hon Yvette Cooper MP is the Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs

The passing of eminent writer, educationist and intellectual Prof Abul Quasem Fazlul Huq marks the end of an era in Bangladesh’s intellectual history. For decades, he stood as a fearless voice of reason, truth and moral integrity, earning the respect of scholars, students and readers across generations. To many, Prof Huq was more than a distinguished academic. He was the nation’s conscience—a thinker who consistently challenged injustice, corruption and intellectual dishonesty with clarity and courage. His writings reflected an unwavering commitment to truth and humanity. Through his essays, books and public engagements, he encouraged critical thinking and independent judgment at a time when conformity often seemed the easier path. His intellectual legacy continues to inspire those who believe that scholarship must serve society. Prof Huq devoted more than four decades to the Bangla Department of the University of Dhaka, where he taught countless students and later served as department chairman. His classrooms were known not only for academic excellence but also for nurturing curiosity, ethical reflection and social responsibility. Born on September 30, 1940, in Pakundia upazila of Kishoreganj, Prof Huq completed his honours degree in Bangla in 1965 and his master’s degree in 1966 from the University of Dhaka. During his student life he was influenced by renowned scholars such as Munir Chowdhury, Ahmed Sharif, Humayun Azad and Neelima Ibrahim, whose intellectual traditions helped shape his own independent outlook. Among his notable works are Muktisangram (1972), Naitikata: Shreyoniti O Durniti (1981), Rajniti O Darshan (1989), Adhunikatabad O Jibananander Jibonoutkantha (2004) and Rashtrachintay Bangladesh (2008). His works remain valuable references for readers seeking thoughtful analysis of Bangladesh’s social, political and cultural development. He translated Bertrand Russell’s Political Ideals and Vision of the New Age into Bangla, making important philosophical ideas more accessible to local readers. He also edited significant publications, including Bangladesh Culture in the Light of History, Swadeshchinta and Akbar’s Nationalism. Since 1982, he had served as editor of the progressive periodical Lokayat, promoting critical discourse and progressive thought. Despite personal tragedy, Prof Huq remained steadfast in his commitment to intellectual freedom. His son, publisher Faisal Arefin Dipon, owner of Jagriti Prokashony, was brutally murdered by militants on October 31, 2015, in an attack that shocked the nation. Even after this devastating loss, Prof Huq continued to speak firmly for freedom of expression and against extremism. After his son’s murder, he told reporters, “I don’t want any justice. I want good sense to prevail. Those who do politics in the name of secularism, and those who do so in the name of state religion—both are destroying the country. Good sense should prevail on both sides. That is all I wish. What will be achieved through jail and hanging?” Following his death, people from all walks of life gathered to pay their final respects. His first namaz-e-janaza was held at Pallabi Masjidul Aman Mosque in Mirpur after Fajr prayers on Monday. His body was then taken to Bangla Academy, the Central Shaheed Minar and Aparajeyo Bangla, where admirers, colleagues, students and well-wishers paid tribute to the distinguished scholar. A second namaz-e-janaza was scheduled at the Central Mosque of the University of Dhaka after Zuhr prayers. Author: Sarwar Wadud Chowdhury, General Secretary and Spokesperson, Anti-Corruption National Coordination Committee    

In 1776, 250 years ago, our founding fathers signed the Declaration of Independence.  In doing so, they asserted what they believed was a fundamental right of all people—the right to self-rule. “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.  That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.” After justifying their decision to seek independence amidst grievances with England, our founders declared “the United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States.”  The founders then pledged to support the declaration with their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor. A courageous statement.  The American Declaration of Independence has rightly captured the imagination of people across the globe for over two centuries, inspiring struggle against oppression and the pursuit of self-determination.  In the words of President Trump, “With a single sheet of parchment and 56 signatures, America began the greatest political journey in human history.” But it wasn’t just a statement.  Americans put into action the dream of creating a free and independent state and put their lives on the line.   The 56 brave men who had signed our Declaration of Independence fully expected to be executed if they failed in their efforts. They knew it was going to be a long and difficult war they might not survive.  But they believed in their cause, and they put America first. Today, under President Trump’s leadership, we are again putting America first. Then and now, America First doesn’t mean America alone.  During the Revolutionary War, Americans received critical help from our allies. Today, in the same way, we are pursuing policies that make sense for the American people—just as Bangladesh’s leaders are pursuing policies that make sense for the people of Bangladesh.  And often, we find things that are mutually beneficial—including the U.S.-Bangladesh Agreement on Reciprocal Trade signed in February and the Memorandum of Understanding on Strategic Cooperation in the Field of Energy signed in May that support economic growth and investment in both our countries.  This is the nature of diplomacy. So today, as we mark the 250th anniversary of our Declaration of Independence, we reflect not only on our founding ideals, but also on the enduring role of diplomacy in shaping our nation’s journey and global impact.   Our celebrations to mark America’s founding are part of Freedom 250 – a global initiative to commemorate the founding ideals of the United States—liberty, democracy, and freedom. Freedom 250 is not just a reflection on the past—it’s a launchpad for the future.  Under President Trump’s vision, we are forging new partnerships, championing innovation, and defining a new era of diplomacy that will carry us forward for the next 250 years.  As America celebrates our 250th birthday, we do so with deep gratitude for our friends across the world, including the people of Bangladesh.  I invite you to join us to celebrate America’s birthday throughout the first week of July – America Week – and throughout 2026 as we celebrate freedom, friendship, and the shared promise of a future together.

For three decades, Murshida Arzu Alpana has held her ground among Berlin's most exacting painters.  Her work was selected for Reinhard Fuchs's Women in Art, a survey of masterpieces by 512 women artists across history. And this Friday, Dhaka gets a rare chance to stand in front of the work that crossing has produced. Plenty of Bangladeshi artists are loved at home; far fewer are taken seriously abroad, on terms they don't set themselves. Alpana is one of the few — trained in Dhaka, Santiniketan and Berlin, she earned a place inside the German art establishment by its own measures, and remained, unmistakably, ours. Born in Dhaka in 1961, she finished first in her class at the Institute of Fine Arts, University of Dhaka, then took her master's at Visva-Bharati in Santiniketan under K.G. Subramanyan. The harder step came in 1993, when she arrived in Berlin on a DAAD scholarship and became a Meisterschülerin — a master student — of Karl Horst Hödicke at the University of the Arts, inside the lineage that shaped German Neo-Expressionism. Very few artists from anywhere pass through that door, and almost none from Bangladesh. The recognitions that followed were not local courtesies. She was received at the Royal Over-Seas League's Centenary Reception at St James's Palace in the presence of Queen Elizabeth II, named an artist of "Distinguished Talent" by Australia, and in 2020 awarded the Falkenrot Prize from Künstlerhaus Bethanien, one of Berlin's most respected contemporary art institutions. Her paintings hang in the permanent collections of Deutsche Bank, the Bangladesh National Museum and galleries across Europe. The prizes matter less than where she earns them. She shows year after year at Art Karlsruhe and Berlin Art Week, the fairs that decide who counts in European contemporary art. This past winter Der Tagesspiegel reviewed her solo exhibition "Existence & Non-Existence," describing canvases that vibrate between surrealism and neo-expressionism — houses that float, animals loose in the city. A Bangladeshi painter reviewed by the German press, on its own terms, is a quiet and unusual thing. Colour comes first in her work, laid in deliberate tension and pushed almost past what the eye expects. Her figures have pared down over the years to monumental heads that hold feeling rather than likeness — displacement, longing, the isolation of someone at home in two places and settled in neither. That in-betweenness is her subject, not her limitation. On Friday, 3 July, Alpana's paintings go on view at a private showing in Dhaka — a chance to see what an artist does when she meets the wider art world at its own level, and stays. Sabreena Leya is an art enthusiast.

At the invitation of Li Qiang, Premier of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, Prime Minister of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh Tarique Rahman is about to embark on an official visit to China and attend The World Economic Forum’s 17th Annual Meeting of the New Champions (2026 Summer Davos Forum). At this important moment when China and Bangladesh are ushering in the next golden 50 years of diplomatic relations, Hon’ble Prime Minister's first visit to China holds historic significance in building on past achievements and charting the way forward. This visit will surely inject strong impetus into the development of China-Bangladesh relations in the coming period and promote the upgrading of the China-Bangladesh Comprehensive Strategic Cooperative Partnership in both quality and substance. Under the strategic guidance of the leaders of both countries, China-Bangladesh relations will forge ahead with more solid political mutual trust, more in-depth practical cooperation, and more robust international collaboration. I. More Solid Political Mutual Trust: China and Bangladesh Have Always Upheld Mutual Respect, Equality and Win-Win CooperationChina maintains that all countries, regardless of size, strength or wealth, are equal members of the international community and have equal rights to participate in international affairs. China firmly follows the principle of amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiveness on neighborhood diplomacy, and remains committed to non-interference in other countries’ internal affairs and to providing support without any political strings attached. This vision has been fully reflected in China-Bangladesh relations.On October 4, 1975, China and Bangladesh officially established diplomatic relations, ushering in a new era of friendly exchanges. In January 1977, H.E. Ziaur Rahman paid his first visit to China in his capacity as Chief Martial Law Administrator and Chief of Army Staff of Bangladesh. China clearly expressed its support for Bangladesh in safeguarding national independence, laying a solid foundation for the development of bilateral relations. H.E. Begum Khaleda Zia visited China nine times, including five visits as Prime Minister. Frequent high-level exchanges between the two sides have provided strong political guidance for the steady development of bilateral relations.Over the past half century, regardless of changes in the international landscape, China and Bangladesh have always respected each other, treated each other as equals, and shown mutual understanding and support on issues concerning each other’s core interests and major concerns. The two countries have become a vivid example of friendly cooperation and mutual benefit between developing countries. Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s visit to China at the beginning of his tenure fully demonstrates the high importance Bangladesh attaches to developing relations with China, and reflects the profound foundation of political mutual trust between the two countries.At present, both China and Bangladesh are at critical stages of their respective national development, and both face difficulties and challenges on the way forward. The year 2026 marks the beginning of China’s 15th Five-Year Plan period. China is advancing Chinese modernization on all fronts and forging ahead toward the strategic goal of building itself into a great modern socialist country in all respects. Since its establishment, the new Bangladeshi government has taken a series of measures to maintain unity and stability, improve the economy and people’s livelihoods, promote investment and employment, and move toward the goal of building a trillion-dollar economy by 2034. These efforts demonstrate its resolve to rise to challenges and press ahead with determination.It is precisely because of such shared circumstances and shared aspirations that China and Bangladesh need more than ever to learn from each other and move forward together. During this visit, the leaders of the two countries will have in-depth exchanges on governance experience and share insights on major issues such as development, economic transformation and reform, further strengthen party-to-party exchanges, and promote more frequent high-level interactions and deeper strategic communication. It can be expected that, as exchanges on governance experience continue to deepen, political mutual trust between China and Bangladesh will become even stronger, and bilateral relations will continue to make steady and sustained progress.II. More In-depth Practical Cooperation: China-Bangladesh Economic, Trade and People-to-People Ties are Growing Ever CloserEconomic and trade cooperation has always been the ballast and propeller of China-Bangladesh relations. From 2010 to 2025, China remained Bangladesh’s largest trading partner for 16 consecutive years. China has also granted zero-tariff treatment to 100 percent of taxable items for Bangladeshi products exported to China and extended this treatment to 2028. In the field of investment, China has become Bangladesh’s second-largest source of investment. Nearly 700 Chinese enterprises are registered with Bangladesh’s investment authorities, covering a wide range of sectors including energy, transportation, textiles and garments, and information and communications, creating hundreds of thousands of jobs for local communities. China has become an indispensable and important development partner in Bangladesh’s pursuit of development, economic transformation and modernization.Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s visit will inject stronger momentum into China-Bangladesh economic and trade cooperation. The two sides will have in-depth discussions on expanding bilateral trade and optimizing the trade structure, and promote the entry of more high-quality Bangladeshi products into the Chinese market. They will further deepen investment cooperation, accelerate project implementation, and attract more Chinese enterprises to invest and do business in Bangladesh. They will also expand practical cooperation in emerging areas such as scientific and technological innovation, information and communications, green development and artificial intelligence. It is reasonable to believe that China-Bangladesh economic and trade cooperation will move toward higher quality and greater depth.China-Bangladesh friendship has long taken root in the hearts of the two peoples. China has always acted with a sense of responsibility as a major country and carried out a series of livelihood projects in Bangladesh that benefit thousands of households. China-contracted power projects in Bangladesh, including coal-fired, solar and wind power projects, have reached a total installed capacity of over one gigawatt, providing a continuous source of power for Bangladesh’s livelihood development and people’s daily lives. China has donated advanced medical equipment to Bangladesh, including physiotherapy and rehabilitation equipment, ventilators and mobile surgical vehicles, contributing China’s strength to protecting the health of the Bangladeshi people. In the face of floods, China promptly extended a helping hand and provided Bangladesh with emergency relief supplies such as rubber boats, life jackets and generators. These concrete actions have brought the warmth of China-Bangladesh friendship to countless places in need. It can be expected that this visit will take livelihood cooperation between the two countries to a new level and bring the hearts of the two peoples even closer.At the same time, personnel exchanges between the two countries are becoming increasingly frequent, and cultural exchanges and mutual learning are deepening. Standing at a new starting point, this visit will open broader space for people-to-people exchanges between the two countries. The two sides will promote cooperation in education, health and skills training, and help Bangladesh cultivate more professional talent suited to the needs of modernization. They will deepen exchanges in media, film and television, and other areas, so that the two peoples can enhance mutual understanding and deepen friendship through more diverse interactions. It can be expected that the hearts of the two peoples will draw ever closer, and the future of China-Bangladesh friendship will be even brighter.III. More Robust International Coordination: China and Bangladesh Will Work Together to Unite the Global South in SolidarityAs the world’s largest developing country, China has always been a natural member of the Global South and has always shared the same breath and destiny with fellow developing countries. President Xi Jinping has on many occasions emphasized the importance of strengthening solidarity and cooperation among Global South countries and safeguarding their common interests. He has called for pooling the strength of Global South countries in the spirit of equality, openness, transparency and inclusiveness, and promoting the reform of the global governance system in a more just and equitable direction.At present, the world is undergoing accelerated changes unseen in a century. Unilateralism, hegemonism and bullying practices are growing more rampant, and the cause of global peace and development faces severe challenges. The more difficult the situation becomes, the more countries that uphold justice should stand together to jointly safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries and maintain world peace and stability.Bangladesh is the second-largest economy in South Asia and has an important voice on global issues such as climate change, sustainable development and poverty reduction. Recently, Bangladesh has won the presidency of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. China has always deemed Bangladesh as an important partner in the Global South, and stands ready to work closely with Bangladesh in multilateral institutions such as the United Nations and the World Trade Organization to promote reform of the global governance system and jointly safeguard the collective interests of developing countries.During Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s visit to China, the leaders of the two countries will have in-depth exchanges of views on international and regional issues of mutual interest, further coordinate positions and build consensus. China firmly believes that a stable, prosperous and confident Bangladesh will play a more active and constructive role in Global South affairs.Looking ahead, as China-Bangladesh relations stand at a new starting point that builds on past achievements and opens up new prospects, we are full of confidence and expectations. On the political front, high-level exchanges and party-to-party exchanges between the two countries will become more frequent and in-depth, and political mutual trust will continue to reach new heights. On the economic front, practical cooperation in areas such as the green economy, investment and business development will continue to expand, bringing more tangible benefits to the two peoples. On the front of people-to-people exchanges, cooperation in education, culture, tourism, youth and other fields will become more vibrant and diverse, allowing the flower of China-Bangladesh friendship to bloom ever more brilliantly in the hearts of the two peoples. On the journey of addressing global challenges, China and Bangladesh will always support each other and move forward hand in hand, making new and greater contributions to the stability and development of both countries, to the prosperity and progress of Asia, and to building a community with a shared future for humanity.With the tide at full swell and the wind in our sails, Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s visit to China will surely draw a more magnificent blueprint for the development of China-Bangladesh relations. Let us look forward to the full success of the visit and to the long-standing friendship between China and Bangladesh shining with even greater brilliance in the new era. H. E. Yao Wen is the Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to Bangladesh

On the occasion of 29th Anniversary of establishment of BIMSTEC, I extend, on behalf of the BIMSTEC Secretariat, my warm greetings and best wishes to the Governments and Peoples of the 7 BIMSTEC member States (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Thailand). 7 BIMSTEC member States, located contiguous and close to Bay of Bengal, the largest Bay of the world, face similar developmental and transnational security challenges, which, they realize, they cannot deal with alone. Hence, they are keen to forge regional cooperation under BIMSTEC. Their shared historical experiences, cultural linkages and civilization legacies provide a strong foundation for forging regional cooperation. BIMSTEC is an Inter-Governmental Regional Organisation, with its Permanent Secretariat located in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Established in June 1997 by its 4 founding members - Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka and Thailand - as a non-political platform to facilitate cooperation amongst the countries of South Asia and South East Asia, BIMSTEC has emerged as a vibrant regional organization. Seven BIMSTEC member States are home to 1.8 billion people; they had in 2024 a combined GDP of over $5.0 trillion and a combined external trade of almost $3.0 trillion. A significant part of global trade and energy flows through the waters of Bay of Bengal. Since its inception, 29 years ago, BIMSTEC has made significant progress. It has adopted its own Charter and has institutionalized the requisite core and sectoral mechanisms for forging regional cooperation. It has its vision enshrined in BIMSTEC Bangkok Vision 2030, which provides a roadmap for expanding and deepening regional cooperation. As a non-political organization, BIMSTEC has focused on promoting tangible cooperation, based on shared priorities of the member States. BIMSTEC has a comprehensive agenda, comprising 18 sectors of cooperation, clubbed in 7 Groups with designation of 7 member States as the Lead member State for one of the 7 Groups. Bangladesh leads Trade & Investment, Women Development and Blue Economy Sectors; Bhutan leads Environment & Climate Change and Mountain Economy Sectors; India leads Security, Energy and Disaster Management Sectors; Myanmar leads Agriculture & Food Security and Fisheries & Livestock Sectors; Nepal leads Culture, Tourism, People-to-People Contact Forums and Poverty Alleviation Sectors; Sri Lanka leads Science, Technology & Innovation, Health and Human Resource Development Sectors; and Thailand leads Connectivity Sector. The Agenda of BIMSTEC has been developed with consensus amongst the member States and is fully aligned with the UN SDGs Agenda 2030. BIMSTEC has held numerous Summits of Heads of the Government and Ministerial and Senior Officials Meetings, including Sectoral Ministerial and Senior Officials Meetings. There are numerous sectoral Joint Working Groups, Expert Groups and their Sub-Groups to identify areas of cooperation in various sectors, delineate Plans of Action and monitor their implementation. In order to institutionalize cooperation in various sectors, BIMSTEC has established Centres of Excellence, such as BIMSTEC Centre for Weather and and Climate and BIMSTEC Energy Centre, both in India. Further, BIMSTEC Cultural Industries Observatory has been set up in Paro, Bhutan, and BIMSTEC Technology Transfer Facility is being set up in Colombo, Sri Lanka. 8 more Centres of Excellence are being set up in order to enhance regional cooperation in areas of agriculture, culture and tourism, disaster management, sustainable maritime transport, skill development, tropical medicine, traditional medicine, Supreme Audit Institutions etc. BIMSTEC has already concluded two Conventions: BIMSTEC Convention on Cooperation in Combating International Terrorism, Transnational Organized Crime and Illicit Drug Trafficking, which has entered into force since March 2021, and BIMSTEC Convention on Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters, which has not yet entered into force. 3 more Conventions on Extradition; Human Trafficking; and Transfer of Sentenced Persons are being concluded. The BIMSTEC Agreement on Maritime Transport Cooperation, which was signed in April 2025, has entered into force for the 4 member States, which have ratified it. Besides, a number of MoUs and MoAs have also been concluded. BIMSTEC has been seeking developmental partnerships with the non-Members as well as the UN, International and Regional Organisations. It has signed MoUs for cooperation with ADB, IFPRI, IORA and UNODC. It has been engaged in forging cooperation with WB, WIPO, WHO, ITU, UNDRR, UNESCAP, UN Women, ISA and CDRI etc. BIMSTEC is open to engage in partnerships with other regional organizations as well as UN and International Organizations. With measures being taken to reform and revitalize it, including through implementation of the recommendations contained in the Report of the Eminent Persons’ Group, BIMSTEC is poised to emerge as a dynamic and successful platform for forging regional cooperation and to play a crucial role in realizing security and sustainable development of its member States. It is also emerging as a shining example of South-South cooperation. I express my deep gratitude to the BIMSTEC member States for their continued guidance and support to the BIMSTEC Secretariat. The Secretariat remains fully committed to carrying out the tasks entrusted to it in a timely, efficient and effective manner and supporting the member States in translating their shared vision for regional cooperation into tangible outcomes. Indra Mani Pandey is the Secretary-General of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC)

Our lives are intimately connected to forests, rivers, mountains, and seasons. We are part of nature and nature is part of us – it shapes our values, our perspectives, our livelihoods, and our relations to other people and the environment around us. Over the years, I have had the privilege of travelling across mountain regions and ecosystems around the globe. Whether in the Himalaya, the Arctic, or other fragile landscapes, I have seen a common truth: where nature thrives, communities thrive. When ecosystems are degraded, the consequences are felt first and most deeply by people. The Labandaha River: Vanishing Under Encroachment and Pollution This is why the World Environment Day 2026 theme, "Inspired by Nature. For Climate. For Our Future.", resonates so strongly with me. It reminds us that the solutions we need are often already present in the ecosystems around us. If we are willing to learn from them, invest in them, and create the conditions for them to thrive. The Hindu Kush Himalaya (HKH) sustains the lives and livelihoods of more than two billion people. Protecting its ecosystems is therefore not simply an environmental imperative; it is one of the smartest investments we can make for our collective future. To achieve this, we need enabling policies, innovative financing, and incentive mechanisms that reward communities for their stewardship of nature and encourage investments in green enterprises and sustainable development. Women, as key stewards of nature, are at the heart of a greener future. ICIMOD has worked with governments to support women-led businesses, making restoration work inclusive while strengthening livelihoods. When we turn ecosystem restoration into real investment opportunities, we unlock private sector support and help governments pursue green growth. Investing in nature is truly investing in our future. One example close to our work at ICIMOD is springshed management. Across the mountains, springs are often the lifeline of communities, yet many are drying up due to changing climate and land-use patterns. By restoring recharge zones, promoting sustainable land-use practices, and empowering communities to become stewards of their natural resources, springs that once ran dry can flow again. Such approaches not only improve water availability but also enhance biodiversity and rebuild resilient ecosystems. The HKH is also blessed with immense clean energy potential, estimated at 3.5 terawatts. Yet only a fraction of this potential has been harnessed. Accelerating the transition to clean energy offers an opportunity to strengthen livelihoods, improve energy security, and build a low-carbon and climate-resilient future for the region. Realising these opportunities will require more than good intentions. It will require policies that reward environmental stewardship, financing mechanisms that value ecosystem services, and investments that enable communities and local enterprises to become active partners in conservation and climate action. Farmers, herders, medicinal plant collectors, entrepreneurs, local governments, and policymakers all have a role to play, and all must share in the benefits. At ICIMOD, we are working with our Regional Member Countries and partners to help build these enabling conditions. Through our work on the land-water-energy nexus, nature-based solutions, climate resilience, and sustainable mountain development, we seek to demonstrate that environmental protection and economic progress can and must advance together. Nature has inspired generations before us. Today, it is also showing us a pathway forward. On this World Environment Day, I encourage all of us to see nature not merely as something we conserve, but as a source of innovation, resilience, and opportunity. If we learn from it and invest in it wisely, nature can help us build a future that is more prosperous, more secure, and more climate resilient for all. Therefore, let us be there for nature just as we expect nature to be there for us. Pema Gyamtsho is the Director General of International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development.

By now, majority in Bangladesh have heard of the USAID funding cut to the development sector in the country worth more than $700 million, resulting in job losses of more than 50,000 development professionals in Bangladesh (The Daily Star, May 2025). Elsewhere, trusted donors i.e. The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation has planned phase out of its bilateral programs in Bangladesh by 2028 (swissinfo.ch, March 2025). Globally, only four countries have met commitments in 2025 towards the United Nations goal that urges economically advanced nations to spend at least 0.7 per cent of their Gross National Income (GNI) on Official Development Assistance (ODA) to support developing nations. On the other hand, 25 countries decreased their ODA, leading to a 23 percent overall drop from 2024 to 2025. (United Nations, April 2026) Economic Downturns and Shifting Priorities While some blame such misfortune to post-covid inflations, economic down turns and rising costs of war by the west, others infer that the donors are perhaps shifting priorities or their limited foreign aid resources to poorer countries in Africa while Bangladesh is set to graduate from its Least Development Country status. Others allege that they are perhaps redirecting funds to humanitarian crises in places such as Ukraine and Palestine, if not the Rohingya camps. The Job Crisis In this regard, the harsh reality is that the non-profit sector in Bangladesh has been responding to foreign aid diminutions with not only downsizing, downgrading and salary reductions of employees, but also outsourcing to both people and AI. While some grieve assuming that organizations are trying to first safeguard the positions of their home country staff abroad, others walk through as organizations nationalize positions to save costs. For the unemployed and those hanging in uncertain contracts about to end, options lay ahead to either reskill or upskill with the growing labor market trend, or perhaps even switch employment to the private sector if they would kindly welcome. Others wonder about challenging themselves by exploring higher paid, mobile and agile international development sector or humanitarian jobs in crises affected and hardship locations such as Afghanistan and South Sudan. Business Strategies Business strategies by non-profit organizations for coping or rather trying to cope to sustain to serve the poor have been diverse – from localization to operational restructuring to fundraising portfolio diversification to social enterprise models. Localization, regionalization ‘Localization’ has been the buzz word agenda of most development actors, packaged as capacity development interventions for organizational development of national actors, with dual agendas towards cost efficiency. International NGOs (INGOs) in this regard, with formerly relative strength in fundraising are finding themselves no longer as only disbursers and monitors of funds to national NGOs, but also increasing competing with the national space at large. As such, increasingly, INGOs are not only forming consortiums with national or local NGOs with more favorable terms for joint fundraising, but some such as ActionAid Bangladesh have overhauled into nationalized governance structures, while others such as Oxfam have phased into localized partner-led modalities in countries such as Sri Lanka and Pakistan. Elsewhere, INGOs such as Action Contre la Faim (ACF) and Christian Aid, as also relevant for their operations in Bangladesh, have shifted to multi-country operational modalities with shared resources to save costs. INGOs have also been increasingly considering shifting their focus more where they have comparative technical advantages such as in areas as advocacy, campaigns and research, versus services which local / national organizations could otherwise deliver more cost efficiently, while at the same time encouraging donors to directly fund local / national organizations through modalities such as pooled funds. Operational (Re)structuring At the same time, other INGOs have also been seen with a different outlook of either juggling with direct service delivery themselves versus partner-led interventions, and / or shifting their bases instead closer to the beneficiaries for both efficiency as well as effectiveness. For example, many INGOs are increasingly moving out of their comfort zones from Cox’s Bazar Sadar to Ukhiya for Rohingya response. Side by side, UN agencies have been pooling of shared HR and ERP services in Bangladesh and globally for quite a while, including a transport and logistics pooling model by WFP abroad. Portfolio Diversification At the same time, diversification of funding pipelines has been the priority of the actors in the sector for quite a while. INGOs, national NGOs and the Unted Nations agencies alike have not only been reaching out to traditional bilateral donors, but are also seeking partnerships with public and private sector entities, including financing or co-financing and public-private partnerships with Bangladesh government entities. Some private sector players collaborating with the sector for either corporate social responsibility or brand building and marketing include, but not limited to, Unilever, Marico, C&A, M&S, Lindex, BSRM, and DBL Group. At the same time, development actors have also experienced civil society back lash when they apparently failed due diligence checks with certain private sector organizations such as UN Women with BlackRock. Side by side, NGOs are arguably seen also launching competitions for for-profit consultancy assignments. Others argue, that only those NGOs which have micro-credit or micro-finance operations seem to be surviving at scale with much self-finance. Prevalent individual or community giving models and / or crowd funding models are also utilized by organizations such as BRAC, Jaago Foundation, WFP and World Vision. Social enterprises, social businesses While, Bangladesh is famous as the sustainability pathway and home to social enterprise or social business models such as by BRAC or Grameen Bank, such modalities of operation still lack legal recognitions such as in terms of tax holidays. INGOs at both home and abroad are also seen experimenting with social enterprise models such as Oxfam shops in the UK, Caritas in Bangladesh. Like the business sector, the non-profit sector may also draw insights from the business sector, thriving for their own “Blue Ocean Strategies” to achieve success by creating new, uncontested market spaces rather than fiercely competing in saturated, existing markets. “People want to fund your impact, not your existence.” - Beth Brodovsky. Mehzabin Ahmed is a development professional.