The death toll from stampedes during two Christmas charity events in Nigeria has increased from 13 to 32, police said Sunday. The victims, including at least four children, collapsed during crowd surges as people grew desperate for food items while the country grapples with the worst cost-of-living crisis in a generation. The dead included 22 people in southeastern Anambra state’s Okija town, where a philanthropist on Saturday organized a food distribution, local police spokesman Tochukwu Ikenga said. Ten others died in the capital, Abuja, during a church-organized similar charity event. Police said they were investigating the two incidents, only days after another stampede in which several children were killed. Gunmen kidnap some 50 people in Nigeria Africa’s most populous country is seeing a growing trend by local organizations, churches and individuals to organize charity events ahead of Christmas to ease economic hardship caused by a cost-of-living crisis. Witnesses of the Abuja stampede told The Associated Press there was a crowd surge at one of the church gates, as dozens tried to enter the premises at around 4 a.m., hours before gift items were to be shared. South Africa refuses aid for thousands of illegal miners trapped Some of them, including older people, waited overnight to get food, said Loveth Inyang, who rescued one baby from the crush. The stampedes prompted growing calls for authorities to enforce safety measures at such events. Nigerian police also mandated that organizers obtain prior permission.

Niger's military junta has suspended the BBC for three months, accusing the broadcaster of disseminating false information in its coverage of an extremist attack that purportedly claimed the lives of dozens of Nigerien soldiers and civilians, according to authorities on Thursday, reports AP. Raliou Sidi Mohamed, Niger’s communications minister, stated in letters addressed to radio stations that rebroadcast BBC content that the broadcaster was “spreading false information aimed at destabilising social calm and undermining troops' morale.” Mohamed instructed these stations to halt all BBC programming “with immediate effect. ”In Nigeria's lithium boom, many mines are illegal and children do much of the work The BBC declined to comment on the suspension. The BBC, widely popular in Niger, airs several programmes, including Hausa-language content, through local radio partners to cater to a significant audience across the region. On Wednesday, the broadcaster reported in Hausa on its website that armed attackers had killed over 90 Nigerien soldiers and more than 40 civilians in two villages near the border with Burkina Faso. Similarly, the French broadcaster Radio France Internationale (RFI) reported on the attack, describing it as a jihadi assault and providing the same death toll figures. However, Niger's authorities denied the occurrence of any attack in the area. In a statement broadcast on state television, they announced plans to file a complaint against RFI for “incitement to genocide.” For over a decade, Niger and its neighbours Burkina Faso and Mali have faced insurgencies led by jihadist groups affiliated with al-Qaida and the Islamic State. In recent years, military coups in these nations have resulted in the expulsion of French forces and a pivot towards security partnerships with Russia’s mercenary groups. Despite these changes, analysts note that the security situation in the Sahel has deteriorated, with an unprecedented rise in attacks and civilian casualties attributed to both Islamic militants and government forces. In addition to grappling with security challenges, the juntas in these nations have intensified crackdowns on political dissent and press freedom. Earlier in the year, Malian authorities prohibited media coverage of political parties and associations, while Burkina Faso suspended both the BBC and Voice of America radio stations over their reporting on a mass killing of civilians by state forces. Gunmen kidnap some 50 people in Nigeria Niger itself banned French broadcasters France 24 and RFI in August 2023, a month after its military leaders seized power in a coup. Sadibou Marong, head of Reporters Without Borders' sub-Saharan Africa office, observed in September that the juntas typically impose media censorship whenever security issues or state abuses are reported in an unfavourable light. He added that obtaining reliable, impartial information on government actions or covering the security situation in these nations has become increasingly challenging.

Gunmen abducted at least 50 people, including women and children, in northwestern Nigeria's Zamfara state over the weekend, residents and police confirmed on Tuesday. The latest mass kidnapping highlights the ongoing insecurity in the region, where armed groups operate with little resistance. The raid occurred in Maradun, lasting over two hours, according to community leader Halliru Attahiru, whose niece was among those taken. “Several women and small children were kidnapped,” Attahiru said, adding that authorities have yet to respond. Tasiu Hamisu, another resident, reported that gunmen targeted a house where 20 individuals were abducted, operating without any security interference. Zamfara police spokesperson Yazid Abubakar confirmed the incident but did not provide further details. No group has claimed responsibility, but locals suspect the involvement of bandit groups known for mass kidnappings and ransom demands. These groups, often former herders in conflict with settled communities, have become a persistent threat in the conflict-prone northern region. Kidnappings for ransom have surged in northwestern Nigeria, with armed groups exploiting weak security to target villages and travelers. Most victims are released after paying hefty ransoms. Earlier this year, more than 130 schoolchildren were freed after being held captive for over two weeks in neighboring Kaduna state. Read: Over 100 killed as gasoline tanker explodes in Nigeria The military has pledged to intensify efforts to combat insecurity in northern Nigeria, with Army Chief Olufemi Oluyede emphasizing renewed operations to address the crisis. However, the persistence of abductions, including the infamous 2014 Chibok schoolgirl kidnapping, underscores the scale of the challenge. Nearly 100 of the 276 girls abducted from Chibok remain in captivity a decade later. Since then, over 1,500 students have been kidnapped, with armed groups using ransoms to fund other crimes and extend their influence in Nigeria's resource-rich but poorly secured northern regions. Source: With inputs from agencies

Scattered along the banks of the Ituri River, buildings cram together, cranes transport dirt and debris scatters the soil. The patches of trees are a scant reminder that a forest once grew there. Nestled in eastern Congo's Ituri province, the Chinese-run gold mine is rapidly encroaching on an area that many say it shouldn’t be operating in at all - the Okapi Wildlife Reserve, an endangered World Heritage site. A gold mining town in Congo has become an mpox hot spot as a new strain spreads The original boundaries of the reserve were established three decades ago, by Congo’s government and encompassed the area where the Chinese company now mines. But over the years under opaque circumstances, the boundaries shrunk, allowing the company to operate inside the plush forest. The reserve was already on the endangered list, amid threats of conflict and wildlife trafficking. Now the rapid expansion of the Chinese mines threatens to further degrade the forest and the communities living within. Residents and wildlife experts say the mining's polluting the rivers and soil, decimating trees and swelling the population, increasing poaching, with little accountability. “It is alarming that a semi-industrial mining operation is being given free rein in what’s supposed to be a protected World Heritage Site, that was already on the danger list,” said Joe Eisen, executive director, of Rainforest Foundation UK. Fire in gold mine kills at least 27, Peruvian officials say Spanning more than 13,000 square kilometers (5,000 square miles), the reserve became a protected site in 1996, due to its unique biodiversity and large number of threatened species, including its namesake, the okapi, a forest giraffe, of which it holds some 15% of the world’s remaining 30,000. It's part of the the Congo Basin rainforest — the world’s second-biggest — and a vital carbon sink that helps mitigate climate change. It also has vast mineral wealth such as gold and diamonds. Mining is prohibited in protected areas, which includes the reserve, according to Congo's mining code. Issa Aboubacar, a spokesperson for the Chinese company, Kimia Mining Investment, said the group is operating legally. It recently renewed its permits until 2048, according to government records. Congo's mining registry said the map they’re using came from files from the ICCN, the body responsible for managing Congo's protected areas, and it’s currently working with the ICCN on updating the boundaries and protecting the park. The ICCN told The Associated Press that in meetings this year with the mining registry the misunderstandings around the boundaries were clarified and the original ones should be used. An internal government memo from August, seen by AP, said all companies in the Reserve will be closed down, including Kimia Mining. However, it was unclear when that would happen or how. The document has not previously been reported and is the first acknowledging that the current boundaries are wrong, according to environmentalists working in Congo. Rights groups in Congo have long said the permits were illegally awarded by the mining ministry based on inaccurate maps. Shifting boundaries and rules Eastern Congo’s been beset by violence for decades and the Okapi Reserve’s endured years of unrest by local militia. In 2012, in Epulu town, a local rebel group slaughtered several residents including two rangers, as well as 14 okapis, the latter were part of a captive breeding program. The reserve’s also been threatened by artisanal — small scale — mining, by thousands of Indigenous peoples who live in and around the forest. The Muchacha mine — the biggest in the reserve and one of the largest small and medium scale gold mines in the country — spans approximately 12 miles (19 kilometers) along the Ituri River and consists of several semi-industrial sites. Satellite images analyzed by AP show consistent development along the southwestern section of the Reserve, since it began operating in 2016, with a boom in recent years. Joel Masselink, a geographer specializing in satellite imagery, who previously worked on conservation projects in the forest, said the mining cadastral — the agency responsible for allocating mineral licenses — is using a version of the reserve's maps in which the area's been shrunk by nearly a third. This has allowed it to award and renew exploration and extraction concessions, he said. The mining cadastral told the U.N. that the boundaries were changed due to a letter from the Congolese Institute for the Conservation of Nature, the body in charge of protected areas in Congo, but didn’t provide a copy, said a report from U.N. experts. The ICCN told the AP it's never seen the letter and the boundaries used should be the original ones. Changing World Heritage Site boundaries needs to be approved by UNESCO experts and the World Heritage Committee, which analyze the impact of the modification, a spokesperson for the World Heritage Center told AP. The Center said no request to modify the Reserve's boundaries had been made and that cases of boundary modifications to facilitate development were rare. Landslide kills 12 women at illegal gold mine in Indonesia Civil society groups in Congo accuse some government officials of intentionally moving the boundaries for personal gain. “We all knew that Muchacha was within the reserve,” said Alexis Muhima, executive director of the Congolese Civil Society Observatory for Peace Minerals. He said the discrepancy over the park's boundaries started when they realized the mine was producing large quantities of gold. The U.N. report said mines are controlled by the military, and some members are under the protection of powerful business and political interests, with soldiers at times denying local officials access to the sites. Residents, who once mined in the reserve, are infuriated by the double standard. “The community is worried, because the Chinese are mining in a protected area when it's forbidden for the community,” said Jean Kamana, the chief of Epulu, a village inside the Reserve. Despite being a protected forest, people still mined there until authorities cracked down, largely after the Chinese arrived. Kimia Mining grants limited access to locals to mine areas for leftovers, but for a fee that many can't afford, say locals. Muvunga Kakule used to do artisanal mining in the reserve while also selling food from his farm to other miners. The 44-year-old said he's now unable to mine or sell produce as the Chinese don't buy locally. He's lost 95% of his earnings and can no longer send his children to private school. Some residents told The AP there are no other options for work and have been forced to mine secretly and risk being jailed. Losing land, animals and income During a trip to the reserve earlier this year, Kimia Mining wouldn’t let AP enter the site and the government wouldn't grant access to patrol the forest with its rangers. But nearly two dozen residents, as well as former and current Kimia Mining employees from villages in and around the Reserve, told The AP the mining was decimating the forests and the wildlife and contaminating the water and land. Five people who had worked inside Kimia's mines, none of whom wanted to be named for fear of reprisal, said when the Chinese finished in one area, they leave exposed, toxic water sources. Sometimes people would fall into uncovered pits and when it rains, water seeps into the soil. Employees and mining experts say the Chinese use mercury in its operations, used to separate gold from ore. Mercury is considered one of the top ten chemicals of major public health concern by the U.N. and can have toxic effects on the nervous and immune systems. One 27-year-old woman who worked as a cook for Kimia for six months and lives in Badengaido town, close to the mine, said the soil has become infertile. “(It's) poisoned by chemicals used by the Chinese," she said. The AP could not independently verify her claim. However, a report from the University of Antwerp that researched the impact of conflict and mining on the Reserve said chemicals used to purify gold, such as mercury or cyanide, can enter the ecosystems and pollute the soil. In the past, 15 kilograms (33 pounds) of peanut seeds would yield approximately 30 bags, but now it’s hard to get three, she said. The loss of income has made it challenging to afford school and medical care for her siblings. Assana, a fisher who also worked in the mines and only wanted to use his first name, said it now takes four days to catch the same amount of fish he used to get in a day. While doing odd jobs for the company last year, the 38-year-old saw the Chinese repeatedly chop swaths of forest, making the heat unbearable, he said. Between last January and May, the reserve lost more than 480 hectares (1,186 acres) of forest cover — the size of nearly 900 American football fields — according to a joint statement from the Wildlife Conservation Society and government agencies, which said it was concerned at the findings. Aboubacar, Kimia’s spokesperson in Congo, said the company respects environmental standards and pays tax to the government for reforestation. Mining is a crucial revenue stream for Congo and it "can't place a higher value on the environment than on mining," he said. Kimia is supporting the population and has employed more than 2,000 people, said Aboubacar. Conservation is an uphill battle Conservation groups are trying to protect the reserve, but say it's hard to enforce when there's ambiguity on the legalities. “On the one hand, Congo's law clearly states that mining is illegal in protected areas. On the other hand, if a mine is operating with an official permit, then that creates confusion, and that becomes hard to enforce on the ground," said Emma Stokes, Vice President of field conservation for The Wildlife Conservation Society. The internal memo, seen by AP, outlines discussions by a joint task force between the ICCN and Congo’s mining registry, which was created to try and resolve the boundary issue. The document said it will trigger the process of stopping all mining within the Reserve and integrate the agreed upon map from the joint commission into the mining registry's system. UNESCO's requested a report from Congo by February, to provide clarity on what will be done to resolve the problem. But this comes as little comfort to communities in the reserve. Wendo Olengama, a Pygmy chief, said the influx of thousands of people into the Chinese-run mines has increased poaching, making it hard to earn money. During the authorized hunting season, he could capture up to seven animals a day, eating some and selling others. Now it's hard to get two, he said. Sitting in a small hut beside his wife, as she bounces their 3-year-old granddaughter on her lap, the couple says they want the Chinese company to provide business opportunities, such as cattle raising and teach people responsible hunting. “If the situation persists, we'll live in misery,” said his wife, Dura Anyainde. "We wont have food to eat.”

A 72-year-old woman who joined Namibia's independence movement in the 1970s is a strong contender to become its first female leader as the country votes in a presidential election on Wednesday. Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah is the current vice president and the ruling SWAPO party's candidate for president and leads after the results of special early voting among citizens overseas and the armed forces were announced earlier this month. But SWAPO, which has governed the southern African country and held the presidency for 34 years since independence from apartheid South Africa in 1990, faces growing frustration caused by high unemployment and economic hardship, especially among young people. That is a common theme that has led to momentous election upsets in other countries in the region this year. In neighboring South Africa, the African National Congress that ruled for three decades lost its majority in a landmark election result in June. Botswana's ruling party lost in a landslide last month after 58 years in power, and Mauritius delivered a surprising heavy defeat for its incumbent party this month. Mozambique's long-ruling Frelimo party was declared the winner in an election there in October, prompting violent and ongoing protests and claims of vote rigging. About 1.4 million people — approximately half the Namibian population — are registered to vote to decide the president and the makeup of Parliament. The country on the southwestern coast of Africa is a former German colony that came under South African control after World War I. SWAPO was at the forefront of the battle for independence. Fourteen other candidates are also running for president, including Panduleni Itula, a former dentist who was SWAPO’s closest challenger four years ago when he ran as an independent. A runoff will be held if a candidate doesn’t win more than 50% of the votes, which has never happened before in Namibia. President Hage Geingob died in office in February and Geingob's vice president, Nangolo Mbumba, became head of state. While Nandi-Ndaitwah represents the rare chance for a female leader in Africa, SWAPO's popularity has slipped and the party won the presidency with its lowest share of the vote ever in the last national election in 2019. Nandi-Ndaitwah, who received part of her education in the then-Soviet Union while in exile during the fight for independence, has promised to create more jobs and tackle the 20% unemployment rate for young people and graduates. She has pledged to spend approximately 85 billion Namibian dollars ($4.7 billion) over the next five years to create more than 500,000 jobs, a goal that her critics call unrealistic. Issues affecting women, including reproductive rights, equal pay and healthcare, are also likely to rank high for voters in a country that has the Kalahari Desert running through its center and the Namib Desert along its coast and has one of the sparsest populations in the world. Just over 3 million people live in Namibia, which is more than twice the size of Germany.

In a sprawling secondhand clothing market in Ghana’s capital, early morning shoppers jostle as they search through piles of garments, eager to pluck a bargain or a designer find from the stalls selling used and low-quality apparel imported from the West. At the other end of the street, an upcycled fashion and thrifting festival unfolds with glamour and glitz. Models parade along a makeshift runway in outfits that designers created out of discarded materials from the Kantamanto market, ranging from floral blouses and denim jeans to leather bags, caps and socks. The festival is called Obroni Wawu October, using a phrase that in the local Akan language means “dead white man’s clothes.” Organizers see the event as a small way to disrupt a destructive cycle that has made Western overconsumption into an environmental problem in Africa, where some of the worn-out clothes end up in waterways and garbage dumps. “Instead of allowing (textile waste) to choke our gutters or beaches or landfills, I decided to use it to create something ... for us to use again,” said Richard Asante Palmer, one of the designers at the annual festival organized by the Or Foundation, a nonprofit that works at the intersection of environmental justice and fashion development. Ghana is one of Africa's leading importers of used clothing. It also ships some of what it gets from the United Kingdom, Canada, China and elsewhere to other West African nations, the United States and the U.K., according to the Ghana Used Clothing Dealers Association. Some of the imported clothes arrive in such poor shape, however, that vendors dispose of them to make room for the next shipments. On average, 40% of the millions of garments exported weekly to Ghana end up as waste, according to Neesha-Ann Longdon, the business manager for the Or Foundation’s executive director. The clothing dealers association, in a report published earlier this year on the socioeconomic and environmental impact of the nation’s secondhand clothing trade, cited a much lower estimate, saying only 5% of the items that reach Ghana in bulk are thrown out because they cannot be sold or reused. In many African countries, citizens typically buy preowned clothes — as well as used cars, phones and other necessities — because they cost less than new ones. Secondhand shopping also gives them a chance to score designer goods that most people in the region can only dream of. But neither Ghana's fast-growing population of 34 million people nor its overtaxed infrastructure is equipped to absorb the amount of cast-off attire entering the country. Mounds of textile waste litter beaches across the capital, Accra, and the lagoon which serves as the main outlet through which the city’s major drainage channels empty into the Gulf of Guinea. “Fast fashion has taken over as the dominant mode of production, which is characterized here as higher volumes of lower-quality goods,” Longdon said. Jonathan Abbey, a fisherman in the area, said his nets often capture textile waste from the sea. Unsold used clothes “aren’t even burned but are thrown into the Korle Lagoon, which then goes into the sea,” Abbey said. The ease of online shopping has sped up this waste cycle, according to Andrew Brooks, a King’s College London researcher and the author of “Clothing Poverty: The Hidden World of Fast Fashion and Second-hand Clothes.” In countries like the U.K., unwanted purchases often end up as charity donations, but clothes are sometimes stolen from street donation bins and exported to places where the consumer demand is perceived to be higher, Brooks said. Authorities rarely investigate such theft because the clothes are "seen as low-value items,” he said. Donors, meanwhile, think their castoffs are “going to be recycled rather than reused, or given away rather than sold, or sold in the U.K. rather than exported overseas,” Brooks said. The volume of secondhand clothing sent to Africa has led to complaints of the continent being used as a dumping ground. In 2018, Rwanda raised tariffs on such imports in defiance of U.S. pressure, citing concerns the West's refuse undermined efforts to strengthen the domestic textile industry. Last year, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni said he would ban imports of clothing “from dead people.” Trade restrictions might not go far in either reducing textile pollution or encouraging clothing production in Africa, where profits are low and incentives for designers are few, experts say. In the absence of adequate measures to stop the pollution, organizations like the Or Foundation are trying to make a difference by rallying young people and fashion creators to find a good use for scrapped materials. Ghana's beaches had hardly any discarded clothes on them before the country's waste management problems worsened in recent years, foundation co-founder Allison Bartella said. “Fast forward to today, 2024, there are mountains of textile waste on the beaches,” she said.

Mali's ruling junta on Thursday appointed a new prime minister from the ranks of the military generals, a day after firing his predecessor for criticizing the military regime. The move effectively consolidates all power in the African country in the hands of military generals. Mali has been ruled by military leaders since the junta seized power in 2020 and staged another coup the following year. Choguel Maïga, who was a civilian and who criticized the junta for postponing the presidential election scheduled for 2024, was removed on Wednesday, a move announced in a presidential decree issued by Gen. Assimi Goita, Mali’s leader, and read on state television channel ORTM. Goita on Thursday appointed Gen. Abdoulaye Maïga as prime minister, according to an announcement on ORTM by Alfouseyni Diawara, secretary general of the Malian presidency. The two Maïgas are not related. Abdoulaye Maïga’s appointment effectively means that all three branches of the government — the Malian presidency, the National Transitional Council, which is the transition’s legislative body, and the post of prime minister — are now in the hands of military officers. Maïga, 43, previously served as minister of territorial administration, government spokesman and deputy prime minister. “The choice of the new prime minister shows that the military is tightening its grip on power. General Maïga is especially seen close to transition President Goita, who wanted someone loyal as the country is preparing for possible elections next year,” said Ulf Laessing, head of Sahel program at Konrad Adenauer foundation in Mali. “Chogoul provoked his sacking as he wants to present himself as possible elections candidate," Laessing added. Maïga was not among the five officers behind the 2020 coup but quickly became part of the group running the country. He is known for virulent rhetoric against France and MINUSMA, the former U.N. mission in Mali. During the U.N. General Assembly in September, he slammed Algerian diplomats for asserting that Malian civilians had been killed by the Malian army near the border between the two countries. Since coming to power in Mali, the military junta has severely restricted freedom of expression, arresting more than a dozen politicians and opinion leaders for criticizing the military regime.

South Africa's government says it will not help an estimated 4,000 illegal miners inside a closed mine in the country's North West province who have been denied access to basic supplies as part of an official strategy against illegal mining. The miners in the mineshaft in Stilfontein are believed to be suffering from a lack of food, water and other basic necessities after police closed off the entrances used to transport their supplies underground. It is part of the police’s Vala Umgodi, or Close the Hole, operation, which includes cutting off miners’ supplies to force them to return to the surface and be arrested. North West police spokesperson Sabata Mokgwabone said information received from those who recently helped bring three miners to the surface indicated that as many as 4,000 miners may be underground. Police have not provided an official estimate. In the past few weeks, over 1,000 miners have surfaced at various mines in North West province, with many reported to be weak, hungry and sickly after going for weeks without basic supplies. Police continue on Thursday to guard areas around the mine to catch all those appearing from underground. Cabinet Minister Khumbudzo Ntshavheni told reporters on Wednesday that the government would not send any help to the illegal miners because they are involved in a criminal act. “We are not sending help to criminals. We are going to smoke them out. They will come out. Criminals are not to be helped. We didn’t send them there," Ntshavheni said. Illegal mining remains common in South Africa's old gold-mining areas, with miners going into closed shafts to dig for any possible remaining deposits. The illegal miners are often from neighboring countries, and police say the illegal operations involve larger syndicates that employ the miners. Their presence in closed mines have also created problems with nearby communities, which complain that the illegal miners commit crimes ranging from robberies to rape. Illegal mining groups are known to be heavily armed and disputes between rival groups sometimes result in fatal confrontations.

Botswana votes in a national election this week that will decide if the ruling party extends a 58-year stretch in power in a southern African country that is a leading diamond producer and often held up as one of the most stable and least corrupt democracies on the continent. President Mokgweetsi Masisi of the ruling Botswana Democratic Party, or BDP, is seeking a second and final term in office, although Wednesday's election isn't directly for president. Voters will decide the makeup of Parliament and lawmakers will later elect the president. While the BDP has dominated Botswanan politics since independence from Britain in 1966, this election comes amid new economic uncertainty for a nation that relies heavily on diamond mining. Botswana is the second biggest producer of diamonds behind Russia and has been responsible for all the biggest rough gems found in the past decade, but it has experienced decreased revenue for its diamonds because of a downturn in demand. Sales of rough diamonds at Debswana, the company the Botswana government jointly owns with the De Beers Group and a critical source of state revenue, were down nearly 50% in the first half of 2024, according to authorities. That has put a dent in the public purse and raised criticism of Masisi and the BDP for not taking steps to diversify the economy. Unemployment has risen and stands at more than 27%, with youth unemployment above 45%. Government employees have been receiving their salaries late as a result of the tight financial position, taking the shine off of Botswana's reputation for efficient government and raising fears that austerity measures may be required. “It is the first time in more than four decades that the state coffers are negative," said opposition politician the Rev. Prince Dibeela. “There are also more than 200,000 young people who are employable but cannot find work. We are a very fragmented society.” The ruling BDP has promised to focus on diversifying Botswana's small economy, which has a GDP of $21 billion. Diamond mining and sales account for 80% of Botswana’s exports, a third of fiscal revenue and a quarter of the GDP, according to the International Monetary Fund, which has also said there's an urgent need for diversification. “The Botswana Democratic Party stands ready to serve the people of Botswana with promises that resonate deeply with their aspirations," said Lebogang Kwape, the Deputy Secretary-General of the BDP and the current foreign minister. “We have listened intently to the voices of all Batswana (people of Botswana) and crafted a manifesto that directly responds to their needs with realism and sincerity.” He said the BDP would put emphasis on processing mineral resources for new revenue streams, while also building the agriculture and tourism sectors. Just over a million people have registered to vote, according to the Independent Electoral Commission that runs elections, with the increasing unemployment rate a key issue for voters. Botswana is larger than France but has a population of just 2.5 million, with the Kalahari Desert covering large portions of the landlocked country that borders South Africa. Drought and desertification threaten Botswana's development and the livelihoods of many of its people. Three men have registered to challenge Masisi for president: Duma Boko of the main opposition Umbrella for Democratic Change party, Dumelang Saleshando of the Botswana Congress Party and Mephato Reatile from the Botswana Patriotic Front. The election will also revive Masisi's feud with former President Ian Khama, the man he succeeded as Botswana's leader and then fell out with. Khama, the son of Botswana's founding president, quit the BDP and went into exile in South Africa in 2021, accusing Masisi of taking an authoritarian approach to criticism. Khama was charged with illegal possession of a firearm and receiving stolen property in a criminal case he said was politically motivated to silence him. Khama returned to Botswana in September to attend a court hearing and has campaigned for the Botswana Patriotic Front in an attempt to oust Masisi. The 63-year-old Masisi is a former high school teacher and previously worked for the United Nations Children's Fund. He is just the fifth president of Botswana since it gained independence from Britain.

Fighters from the notorious paramilitary Rapid Support Forces ran riot in east-central Sudan in a multi-day attack that killed more than 120 people in one town, a doctors group and the United Nations said. It was the group's latest attack against the Sudanese military after suffering a series of setbacks, losing ground to the military in the area. The war, which has been going on for more than a year and a half, has wrecked the African country, displacing millions of its population and pushing it to the brink of a full-blown famine. RSF fighters went on a rampage in villages and towns on the eastern and northern sides of the province of Gezira between Oct. 20-25, shooting at civilians and sexually attacking women and girls, the United Nations said in a statement Saturday, adding that they looted private and public properties, including open markets. The attack displaced more than 46,500 people in the city of Tamboul and other villages in eastern and northern Gezira last week, according to Sunday’s data from the International Organization for Migration’s Tracking Matrix. “The killings and appalling human rights violations in Gezira province intensify the unacceptable human toll this conflict has taken on the people of Sudan,” IOM Director General Amy Pope told The Associated Press ahead of her trip to the country next week. She called for concerted international efforts to stop the conflict, saying: “There is no time to lose. Millions of lives are in the balance.” “These are atrocious crimes,” Clementine Nkweta-Salami, U.N. Humanitarian Coordinator in Sudan, said in a statement on Saturday. “Women, children, and the most vulnerable are bearing the brunt of a conflict that has already taken far too many lives.” She said the attacks resembled the horrors committed during the Darfur genocide in the early 2000s, including rape, sexual violence, and mass killings. The RSF was born out of Arab militias, commonly known as Janjaweed, mobilized by ex-Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir against populations in Darfur that identify as Central or East African. At the time, the Janjaweed were accused of mass killings, rapes and other atrocities, and Darfur became synonymous with genocide. Janjaweed groups still aid the RSF. The Sudanese Doctors’ Union said in a statement that at least 124 people were killed and 200 others were wounded in the town of Sariha, adding that the group rounded up at least 150 others. It called on the U.N. Security Council to pressure the RSF to open “safe corridors” to enable aid groups to reach people in impacted villages. “There is no way to help the injured or evacuate them for treatment,” the statement said. Footage circulating online, some shared by RSF fighters themselves, showed members of the paramilitary group abusing detained people. One video showed a man wearing a military uniform grabbing an old man by the chin and dragging him around as other armed men chanted in the background. The RSF didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment. The Coordination of Civilian Democratic Forces, an alliance of pro-democracy parties and groups, also accused the RSF of storming villages, and opening fire on civilians as well as rounding up and mistreating “a large number of residents.” In a statement, the alliance held the RSF “responsible for these massive violations,” and called for holding the preparators accountable. The attack on Gezira came as the military had successfully taken back areas held by the RSF. In September, the military launched a massive operation in and around the capital city of Khartoum, reclaiming large swaths of areas from the RSF. Also, earlier this month, it seized control of Jebel Moya, a strategic mountainous area in Gezira province, as well as areas in Gezira and nearby Sinnar province, driving out RSF forces. In October, a top RSF commander, Abu Aqlah Keikel, the de facto ruler of Gezira, defected and surrendered himself to the military. That prompted RSF fighters to attack villages and towns in Gezira seen as loyal to Keikel, according to local reports. The war in Sudan began in April 2023 when simmering tensions between the military and the RSF exploded into open fighting in Khartoum, before spreading across the country. The war has been marked by atrocities such as mass rape and ethnically motivated killings. The U.N. and international rights groups say these acts amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity, particularly in the western region of Darfur, which has been facing a bitter onslaught by the RSF. The conflict has killed more than 24,000 people so far, according to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data, a group monitoring the conflict since it started.