Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on Sunday said that political leadership and decision- and not military rule - is the most important matter for a country to prosper. “Whenever our country was outside this political decision, which means under direct or indirect military rule, it did not register its development and prosperity. The people of the country have to realise this,” she said. The premier said this while delivering her introductory speech at the 8th meeting of the National Training Council held at her official residence Ganabhaban. She said that development in every sector was ensured while the political leadership came to power. “At least I can claim that from 2009 to 2023 the unprecedented development of the country was done by the political decision,” she said. Hasina said that her government has adopted the ideology and ideals of Independence and followed it in running the administration. “We are getting the results. Because of this policy we have attained the status of developing country,” she said. Read more: Go to people, Sheikh Hasina asks party leaders She urged all to sustain this momentum of development and democracy for the benefits of the generations to come. “We have to keep our eyes particularly on this matter,” she said. The PM put utmost importance on training as she said it is urgently needed to develop one nation. “The world is changing and now an era of technology is underway. We have to advance further in compliance with the era of technology,” she said. She mentioned that it should be ensured that the country’s manpower get proper training for appropriate advancement in the coming days. In the ever evolving world we need to keep the pace with the rest of the world. We need that capable manpower also,” she said. In this regard, she said that from 2009 to April 2023 the foreign training section of the Public Administration Ministry sent some 6185 public servants for short-term training abroad while 606 got long term training. She mentioned that Coronavirus pandemic and the Ukraine-Russia war caused setback for the whole world. “We have been able to continue our development pace despite the problems. I know that there will be obstacles and adverse situation time and again,” she stated. She regretted that there is one section of people in the country who did not participate in the Liberation War and don’t believe in independence. Read more: Sheikh Hasina now a world leader: Speaker “They always hold a negative attitude about the country, and we have to move further overcoming these hurdles. Obstacles will come, but we have to find our way to move forward.” Stressing the need for training of manpower she asked the NTC to prepare a curriculum which will supplement government’s initiative to make Smart Bangladesh. “We want to advance step by step keeping no one behind,” she asserted. She said that her government’s aim is to reduce further the number of ultra-poor which now account for five per cent of the country’s population.  

After Myanmar’s military seized power by ousting the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi, they couldn’t even make the trains run on time: State railway workers were among the earliest organized opponents of the February takeover, and they went on strike. Health workers who founded the civil disobedience movement against military rule stopped staffing government medical facilities. Many civil servants were no-shows at work, along with employees of government and private banks. Universities became hotbeds of resistance, and in recent weeks, education at the primary and secondary levels has begun to collapse as teachers, students and parents boycott state schools. Read:More than 200 NGOs call for UN arms embargo on Myanmar One hundred days after their takeover, Myanmar’s ruling generals maintain just the pretense of control. The illusion is sustained mainly by its partially successful efforts to shut down independent media and to keep the streets clear of large demonstrations by employing lethal force. More than 750 protesters and bystanders have been killed by security forces, according to detailed independent tallies. “The junta might like people to think that things are going back to normal because they are not killing as many people as they were before and there weren’t as many people on the streets as before, but... the feeling we are getting from talking to people on the ground is that definitely the resistance has not yet subsided,” said Thin Lei Win, a journalist now based in Rome who helped found the Myanmar Now online news service in 2015. She says the main change is that dissent is no longer as visible as in the early days of the protests — before security forces began using live ammunition — when marches and rallies in major cities and towns could easily draw tens of thousands of people. At the same time, said David Mathieson, an independent analyst who has been working on Myanmar issues for over 20 years, “Because of the very violent pacification of those protests, a lot of people are willing to become more violent.” “We are already starting to see signs of that. And with the right training, the right leadership and the right resources, what Myanmar could experience is an incredibly nasty destructive, internal armed conflict in multiple locations in urban areas.” Meanwhile, the junta also faces a growing military challenge in the always restive border regions where ethnic minority groups exercise political power and maintain guerrilla armies. Two of the more battle-hardened groups, the Kachin in the north and the Karen in the east, have declared their support for the protest movement and stepped up their fighting, despite the government military, known as the Tatmadaw, hitting back with greater firepower, including airstrikes. Even a month ago, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet was describing the situation as grim, saying Myanmar’s “economy, education and health infrastructure have been brought to the brink of collapse, leaving millions of Myanmar people without livelihood, basic services and, increasingly, food security.” It was not surprising that The Economist magazine, in an April cover story, labeled Myanmar “Asia’s next failed state” and opined it was heading in the direction of Afghanistan. Read:Pro-democracy forces in Myanmar create "People's Defence Force" The U.N.’s Bachelet made a different comparison. “There are clear echoes of Syria in 2011,” she said. “There too, we saw peaceful protests met with unnecessary and clearly disproportionate force. The State’s brutal, persistent repression of its own people led to some individuals taking up arms, followed by a downward and rapidly expanding spiral of violence all across the country.” Junta chief Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing has shunned all efforts at mediation, from the United Nations as well as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, of which Myanmar is a member. Myanmar’s resistance movement, meanwhile, has organized widely and swiftly underground. Within days of the junta takeover, elected parliamentarians who were denied their seats convened their own self-styled Parliament. Its members have formed a shadow National Unity Government with guidelines for an interim constitution, and last week, a People’s Defense Force as a precursor to a Federal Union Army. Many cities, towns and even neighborhoods had already formed local defense groups which in theory will now become part of the People’s Defense Force. Aside from being morale boosters, these actions serve a strategic purpose by endorsing a federal style of government, which has been sought for decades by the country’s ethnic minorities to give them autonomous powers in the border areas where they predominate. Promoting federalism, in which the center shares power with the regions, aligns the interests of the anti-military pro-democracy movement with the goals of the ethnic minorities. In theory, this could add a real military component to a movement whose armaments are generally no deadlier than Molotov cocktails and air rifles — though homemade bombs have been added to its arsenals in recent weeks. In practice, at least for the time being, the guerrilla armies of the Kachin in the north and the Karen in the east will fight as they always have, to protect their own territory. They can give military training to the thousands of activists that are claimed to have fled the cities to their zones, but are still overmatched by the government’s forces. But on their home ground they hold an advantage against what their populations consider an occupying army. That may be enough. Read:Myanmar’s military disappearing young men to crush uprising “The only thing that the military is really threatened by is when all of these disparate voices and communities around the country actually start working against it, not as a unified monolith, but all working against the military’s interests,” said the analyst, Mathieson. ”And I think that’s the best that we can hope for moving forward, that the people recognize that all efforts have to go against the military. And if that means fighting up in the hills and doing peaceful protests and other forms of striking back against the military in the towns and the cities, then so be it.” It’s hard to gauge if the army has a breaking point. Mathieson said he’s seen no signs the junta was willing to negotiate or concede anything. The Tatmadaw is “remarkably resilient. And they recognize that this is an almost existential threat to their survival.”

Police in Myanmar’s biggest city fired tear gas Monday at defiant crowds who returned to the streets to protest last month’s coup, despite reports that security forces had killed at least 18 people a day earlier.

Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate who became Myanmar’s leader in 2016 following five decades of military rule, cautioned repeatedly that the country’s democratic reforms would only succeed if the powerful army accepted the changes.