Dhaka: 03 October 2019/UNB - In Bangladesh, more than 120 companies export information and communications technology (ICT) products worth nearly $1 billion to 35 countries. By 2021, it’s expected that this will increase to $5 billion. Indeed, the growing strength of the ICT Industry underpins the four vital pillars that will support Bangladesh’s transformation to a digital economy by 2021, and a knowledge economy by 2041.
Announced in 2008 and officially launched by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in 2009, the Digital Bangladesh Vision identifies human resource development, connecting citizens, digital government and the aforementioned promotion of the ICT industry as critical to meeting these transformation targets. Here’s why they are so important:
Human resource development
The government wants Bangladesh to be a gateway for the digital world and has started multiple initiatives to develop a skilled, equipped and digital-ready pool of talent. Our education system produces more than 500,000 university graduates every year and, thanks to the introduction of several dedicated training programmes to get the talent pool ready to deliver value on a global scale, we have trained more than 65,000 Information Technology Enabled Services (IT/ITeS) professionals in the past year.
According to the Oxford Internet Institute, Bangladesh has the second largest pool of online workers in the world. To further enhance skills, we have established specialized labs in all of the country’s 130 universities. We are investing in frontier tech centres of excellence with global technology partners such as IBM, and we have a strong focus on training professionals in emerging technologies – the Internet of Things, blockchain, Artificial Intelligence, Big Data and analytics.
The next pillar is about connecting citizens - and Bangladesh is committed to ensuring 100% internet connectivity by 2021. We have already made good progress with currently more than 93 million internet subscribers and 160 million mobile subscriptions throughout the nation, making Bangladesh the fifth largest mobile market in Asia Pacific and the ninth largest in the world.
We have ensured seamless connectivity through two submarine cable connections with 1,700 gigabits per second (Gbps) and seven ITC connections with 400 Gbps. We plan to further enhance this by becoming an early adopter of 5G. By the end of 2019, we will provide high-speed internet connectivity to even remote villages.
In order to ensure a cost-effective space for companies interested in investing in Bangladesh, we are building 28 high-tech parks around the country and plan to increase this to 64. There is a focus on developing a thriving environment for partners and investors who are keen to take advantage of the opportunity that Bangladesh presents.
E-governance is the next step in driving the Digital Bangladesh engine forward. The government is proactively pursuing the digitalization of all government portals, such as passport applications and visa applications, by the year 2023. In 2014, we developed the National Portal which now houses more than 45,000 websites and services of different government offices. We have developed more than 5,000 digital centres across the country to help provide various digital services to citizens, while addressing the issue of a digital divide.
Our Bangladesh National Digital Architecture (BNDA), which ensures interoperability, won a World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) award this year and WSIS has recognized Bangladesh for different e-government or digital government initiatives for the past six years in a row.
We have established a Digital Service Accelerator to expedite and facilitate the e-services of all ministries and have issued more than 100 million digital IDs to our citizens – one of the highest volumes in the world. Services are very carefully designed to ensure they are relevant to all three groups of Bangladeshi citizens: younger, tech-savvy generations growing up with technology; “digital adapters,” who are middle-aged individuals who have adopted technology; and the minority who stay away from technology. The scale of digital governance in Bangladesh has a tremendous impact on the transformation of the nation.
Promotion of the ICT industry
The vibrant and rapidly growing ICT industry in Bangladesh is the fourth area supporting digital transformation. We serve clients in an array of domains, including financial services, telecoms and healthcare, and drive the IT/ITES engine behind some of the world’s most global companies.
The four pillars behind Digital Bangladesh are strengthened by strong government commitment and support.
Bangladesh is experiencing nearly 8% gross domestic product (GDP) growth and is one of the fastest-growing economies in the world. We are 34th in the World Economic Forum’s Inclusive Development Index, ahead of many established nations, and by 2030, we will be the 24th largest economy in the world. The essential ingredient behind this growth has been the smart use of ICT to spur progress in all sectors.
The writer is the State Minister for ICT, Ministry of Posts, Telecommunications & Information Technology, Government of the People's Republic Bangladesh.
Dhaka, Sept 5 (UNB) - In the vast expanse of the Mediterranean Sea sits the Republic of Malta. With a population of half a million covering only 321 square kilometers, some people are often quick to overlook this state, often looking towards its much larger European neighbours. Overlooking Malta is a mistake; this tiny island is the embodiment of “small and mighty”.
As the summer begins, ports of Malta brim with tourists. Carefully planned urban infrastructure coupled with the beautiful Mediterranean beaches make Malta an ideal vacation spot. Added with the warmth of the locals and joyous festivities, tourists often describe Malta as simply breathtaking. Its small population welcomed last year a staggering 2.6 million tourists, just over five times the number of its residents.
The per capita income (in PPP) of this country is more than 48 thousand US dollars. Synergy between public and private sectors allowed such economic progress. In fact, this partnership and astute management of its economy helped Malta avert the economic recession that plagued the rest of Europe. It is this innovative mentality that helped Malta gain highest economic growth in the European continent.
In this extraordinary achievement Malta echoes what Bangladesh experienced in its own economic journey. We have firmly established ourselves as the role model of development in Asia, as Malta secured its own place of prestige in Europe. These two success stories in two continents lays out a platform for the two countries to join hands through timely and suitable diplomatic collaboration to further uplift the fate of their people.
The friendly relations of Bangladesh and Malta has its origins in Bangladesh’s tumultuous beginnings. During the epic year of 1971, the then Maltese Prime Minister extended his support for our rightful cause. Arguably, Malta had been with us at our most important and historic time; standing as our friend since those days of agony and promise. Malta later became one of the earliest countries to formally recognise Bangladesh in 1972. The friendship continued when later, in 1979, the institutional diplomatic relations between the two countries were launched with the appointment of a non-resident High Commissioner to Bangladesh.
Fast forward to the present day: The rapid socio-economic development of Bangladesh under the leadership of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has drawn substantial international attention. At the same time, Bangladesh has found a place of dignity in the comity of nations. We now have a proactive and strong diplomatic presence on the world stage.
As part of our active diplomatic engagements, relations between Bangladesh and Malta have also received a momentum. Our two countries extended support to each other at different multilateral, international fora including the UN. The two countries share common positions on many international issues. As a result, understanding between our two countries has further strengthened over the years.
This year marks the 40th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between our two countries. On the eve of this special occasion, the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh AK Abdul Momen paid an official visit to Malta in July this year. Foreign Minister’s visit has been important for a number of reasons.
First and foremost, this was the first ever bilateral visit at the level of the Foreign Minister.
During this visit, the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh had a threadbare discussion with his Maltese counterpart Carmelo Abela on issues of mutual interests. Apart from issues pertaining to bilateral relations, they spoke about cooperation at international level.
Furthermore, the Foreign Minister had meetings with the President, Prime Minister and the Speaker of the Maltese Parliament. These meetings were not limited to exchange of pleasantries; they were indeed very substantive and fruitful. Both sides underscored the importance of frequent high-level contacts to take advantage of the goodwill created at the political level. Prime Minister Joseph Muscat of Malta urged to utilize the opportunities between the two countries.
Additionally, the two ministers signed a Memorandum of Understanding on regular meetings between the two Foreign Ministries. They have also penned another document for cooperation between the diplomatic academies of their respective countries.
Lastly, the two Foreign Ministers also spoke at a Business Forum jointly organized by Malta Chamber, Trade Malta and Bangladesh Embassy in Athens (concurrently accredited to Malta). The Forum had upbeat, enthusiastic and optimistic discussions on tapping potential in bilateral trade and investment. The leadership of Maltese businesses expressed their keen interests by joining this Forum.
It goes without saying that Bangladesh’s relations with Malta received a big boost as a result of this much awaited visit. It has been elevated to a new height. Understanding at this high level may act as a catalyst to bring a qualitative change in our diplomacy. Political understanding has been further consolidated. At the diplomatic level, intent for sincere collaboration has been demonstrated unequivocally.
There are many areas of existing cooperation between the two countries. This cooperation can be further expanded in a number of specific areas:
a. The strong tourism sector and the ongoing infrastructure development in Malta have created opportunity for Bangladeshi skilled and semi-skilled workers. The ongoing construction work for the beautification and repair work of the five hundred-year-old Maltese capital Valletta and to fulfil the demand of the ever increasing tourism sector has generated this employment opportunity. At the moment, a few hundred Bangladeshi expatriates are working in Malta. They have earned the trust of the local people because of their hard work and respect for local laws. This attitude of the host community has been amply reflected in the presence of the Maltese Foreign Minister and his wife at an event organized by the expatriate Bangladesh nationals living in Malta. Mayors Msida and Gzira and local officials also joined this event
b. Malta is known for its expertise in financial management. Hopefully, the two sides will extend their cooperation in this area for their mutual benefits.
c. Malta also specializes in the registering of ships; being the biggest in the field in Europe, and one of the biggest in the world. The increasing ship building sector of Bangladesh can benefit by establishing close contact with the concerned ship registration bodies in Malta.
d. Malta is also popular among multinational companies and countries interested to export their products for registration of commodities. Maltese expertise may help us secure a sizable pharmaceutical market in Europe.
e. The optimistic discussion at the Maltese Chamber on the potential of bilateral trade has created an opportunity to identify specific sectors for effective cooperation. At the moment, the total volume of bilateral trade is negligible. Efforts by both the government and the private sectors of the respective countries can help to increase this volume significantly.
f. Malta and Bangladesh can employ their expertise to extend cooperation in Blue economy, manpower development, education and culture, among other potential areas.
g. At the international level two countries have an impeccable record of close cooperation. Common position on international issues including the climate change issue and membership in international organizations such as the Commonwealth and the UN made this cooperation multidimensional. As an active member of the European Union Malta has been extending its support to Bangladesh on Rohingya issue. It is expected that this bonding of friendship and fraternity will be further strengthened in the days to come.
h. At his meeting with the Speaker of the Maltese Parliament, formation of parliamentary friendship groups in their respective parliaments featured prominently. It is heartening indeed to see that Maltese Parliament has formed Malta-Bangladesh Parliamentary Friendship Group in less than a month of our Foreign Minister’s visit to Malta. Hopefully, the friendship group in our Parliament will also be formed soon, so that parliamentary diplomacy can contribute to the development of relations between the two countries.
We can bring home the fruits of the positive attitude created by the Foreign Minister’s historic visit, by taking realistic and timely steps. Holding the annual Foreign Office consultations, and the visit by the Maltese Foreign Minister will create further momentum to achieve the goals. Such steps will also usher new avenues in our bilateral relations.
As the Maltese Foreign Minister Carmelo Abela humorously noted, life begins at 40. Indeed, 40th anniversary has seen an increased trajectory in Bangladeshi-Maltese relations. As part of the multipronged and dynamic foreign policy under Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, we open a new chapter of our relations with Malta. The small island State in the Mediterranean supported us when we were fighting for our independence under the leadership of the Father of the Nation. Our friendships was upheld through Bangladesh’s most tumultuous times. We hope that in this new journey, this strong friendship continues, and the citizens of both countries continue to benefit.
Writer is Ambassador of Bangladesh to Greece and non-resident High Commissioner of Bangladesh for Malta
History always tells the truth. The history of yesterday guides us today. Today’s history guides us to consolidate our tomorrow. I have been reading, with great care the story published under the byline written by Lawrence Lifschultz, both in the Daily Star and the Bangla Daily Prothom Alo. I also read the response of Eugene Boster Jr. and Lawrence Lifschultz's subsequent reply.
I was in Geneva when Eugene Davis Boster was appointed the first US Ambassador to Bangladesh in 1974. He was attached to the Office of the US Arms Control Bureau in Geneva. I had met several times before his posting to Dhaka. I invited him to dinner to the Bangladesh residence with his wife, Mary, before his departure for Dhaka. He wanted to be briefed about the present situation in the country, particularly the situation of national security. At the dinner he asked about the Soviet Naval presence in Chittagong ports. He expressed his fear that the Soviet Union may be using Chittagong as a springboard for further military presence in Bangladesh. I assured him that the chances of his fears being realized were totally negative and told him that before the Soviet Union, the government of Bangladesh called an international tender for clearing the ports, which were clogged with ships and vessels docked prior to and during the war (most of them were Pakistani ships and some were foreign ships). I also informed him that I had approached the UNDP concerning the same issue and they expressed their inability to take the job. Here I want to mention that two of the first UNDP representatives, Mr. Tony Hagen and Mr. Victor Umbricht who had come to Dhaka on my recommendation (the UNDP office was known as the Dhaka office of the UNDP at the time). Therefore, the government asked me to know if the UNDP could at all be of any assistance to the situation in Bangladesh. I checked with the head office in New York, and after a conversation with Peter Peterson, a successful banker who spearheaded the Bank of America, I was unmistakably told of the organization's inability at that moment to do the job.
It was during the 1973 UNDP meeting in Geneva, where an IPF of 36 million dollars was divided equally between Bangladesh and Pakistan. The Gulf States including Turkey, all close friends of Pakistan opposed to the creation of Bangladesh. It was the American lobbying for Bangladesh by Peter Peterson and the head of the American team, Yuri Zarogin, that the Bangladesh resolution was adopted with a good majority. There, my Pakistani counterpart, Ambassador Naiznaik, who was my DG in Islamabad remarked, "Allocation of money to the authority of Dhaka is like turning a sharp knife on the back of Pakistan."After the UNDP Dhaka operation was completed, the first UNDP representative was sent to Dhaka, the gentleman mentioned above, Yuri Zarogin. He had been my original recommendation to the government of Bangladesh.
When I explained our past attempts to persuade the UNDP to assist Bangladesh, then only did the Soviet Union offer to assist in clearing the port of Chittagong, was accepted. The Soviets had much experience in naval ship clearances in Rotterdam and St. Petersburg after the Second World War.
Ambassador Boster reported our exchange to the State Department and the White House. Later, I believe he had also consulted and confirmed with Peter Peterson what I had previously told him, that the UNDP was not equipped to deal with the situation in Bangladesh.
I arrived in Dhaka after completing my sabbatical in Oxford on August 7th 1975. As Head of the mission in Geneva I gave a farewell reception before my return in honor of my friends who had helped Bangladesh during the war of Independence, in particular a pro-Bangla group headed by the socialist MP Professor Jean Ziegler. In Dhaka, I had my first call on Boster around 8/9 August, 1975. I again contacted him on the 16th August, 1975. He asked me to call him the day after. When I met him, I asked him about the events of August 15th. He informed me that there was "some dissatisfaction in the party of the Prime Minister and some members of the Army may be involved in taking some action, the full nature of which I am not aware of.”
He continued. "Some officers of some agencies in the US Embassy had informed me of their contacts with the Army and some civilians. I clearly directed these officers to keep their hands off regarding anything of that kind in Bangladesh!"
When I read about the meeting of Lipschultz with Ambassador Boster in Mexico, I was reminded of my few meetings with Boster and Lipschultz only corroborates what I was told by Boster. I also met Boster later on several times. In those traumatic days I had forgotten to keep a proper diary. He had expressed his grief and sadness with the events of the 15th of August. And I also reminded him of our last conversation in Geneva, when I came down to see him off. "Please look after our poor Bangladesh, particularly our leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He had then responded, "Don't worry, whatever may have happened during the period prior to the war, our policy in Bangladesh is totally devoted to humanitarian support and to help this devastated country to recover."
I trusted him because I found him to be a man of goodwill for Bangladesh. He felt very sad regarding the destruction of the country during the war. He even compared it, remotely, to the Civil War in America. But he also remarked, the Civil War, however, destructive did not kill so many people as in Bangladesh.
I briefed Boster of my conversation with Sheikh Mujib on the 14th of August night where he had asked me to read the Swiss constitution, which had attracted him originally in 1972, during his first visit to Geneva. I read a part in 1973 again in Geneva when he was there for the First Bangladesh Envoys Conference. It was a short visit, I read loudly another part on the night of 14th August. Booster asked me how he thought about the situation that night. I replied that he looked rather tired, but confident. Having been in Dhaka only seven days before that fateful day, I could not grasp the dimension of the conspiracy that was being hatched in the 15th August, 1977, I told him.
I had lunch with Boster sometime later, prior to his departure. When he left Dhaka he looked a very sad man, so did his wife Mary, who regretted they could not give a dinner for me because of the situation in the country. It is interesting to note that although the US did not recognize Bangladesh until 1974, the Humanitarian aid from the US was the largest in the world. The first relief flight was in 1972, soon after the Independence by a fellow named Max Rubb whom I found later as my counterpart in Rome in 1987. Earlier he was the treasurer of the Republican party, with roaring legal procedure in New York. The American Embassy in Rome was opposite the Chancellery of Bangladesh Via Bartolome. I used to meet him quite frequently with his wife Ruth. On one occasion, I asked him about the events of 1975. He in turn had corroborated what Boster said, "I am a Republican." “And, so we shall allow any such situation to take place in Bangladesh. I know it for certain, that excepting for a few Agency members, the U.S. Ambassador did not play any role during the tragic events of August 15, 1975.
I read with interest the letter of Boster Jr. I fully understand his anguish. I am sure from the clarification of Lipschultz, Mr. Boster Jr. will realize that his father was a gentleman, and he had nothing to do with 1975 events. If anything, he may have tried to prevent it, but did not succeed.
I know this story may cause unhappiness amongst some but as is written in the first sentence of this piece, history never lies. The truth will be upheld. The trail of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib did commence but could not be finished for reasons beyond our control. One day justice will be done to the perpetrators of the heinous crime. I have no doubt.
I very often read the history of Cromwell, who had been hanged symbolically, his skeleton sprawled before the House of Commons on charge of regicide. His body was reburied in the same place, on the same day. That is justice. Rule of Law has a peculiar presidency to assert itself today or tomorrow. And in this case, I strongly believe justice will be done, someday some time.
The high court judgment on the 5th amendment tentatively goes a long way to prove the point. It is not for any political party; it is for all humanity I speak. I mourn the death of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib and his entire family and the liberation leaders in Dhaka Central Jail. I also mourn the assassination of president Ziaur Rahaman, Khaled Musharraf and many others during those fateful days following the 1975 murders in many cases – but the perpetrator will sure face justice today or tomorrow.
(Waliur Rahman Author and Founder Chairman, Bangladesh Heritage Foundation. This article was first published in Dhaka Courier)
The Kashmir takeover/ status quo cancellation/ending terrorist attacks move etc. was largely inevitable at this point of time as two Indian elite class battle it out within. One is trying to regain supremacy, the other to consolidate. The colonial elite led by Indian National Congress (INC) has been largely routed and the pre-colonial/indigenous elite led by the BJP is close to home after two consecutive electoral victories. BJP is much more popular than all others and even the traditional zones have fallen to the BJP chariot’s charge.
Historical relations with 1947
The INC accepts the construction of 1947 with qualifications though while the BJP rejects it, both using it for their own political benefit. The INC was party to making the 1947 so it can’t be denied by them but it fought hard to prevent the birth of Pakistan. Congress was also a party to the partition of Bengal to suit its “one India” ideology. It prevented the success of the “United Bengal Movement” jointly led by both Bengal Congress and Bengal Muslim League. However, under colonial rule, this was the limit of their resistance and India under Congress had to wait after 1947 before the “Kashmir” issue could become a sustainable hostility product. The consequent wars that began in 1947-48 continues even today.
India’s political identity is linked to this “One India” = dismantle 1947 syndrome which under Congress reached its peak in 1971. Its critical support to the Bangladesh movement in 1971, led to the end of the “Pakistan” of 1947. In effect, the current “Pakistan” was born the day Bangladesh celebrates Victory, 16th December 1971.
But the Congress also was unable to deal with the rising aspiration of the middle and lower classes within India which led to its own loss of power and the rise of BJP. Today this party is on the chase to end the leftovers of 1947 as far as possible.
The war that colonialism bred
India under Congress became a nuclear power but so did Pakistan making a conclusive conventional war between the two a remote possibility. The fact was a deterrent to large scale wars which allowed Pakistan to invest more in insurgency emanating from the Kashmir zone. Pakistan has taken advantage of the situation. The area is a clustering of not so happy people which is indicated by the special status it enjoyed till ended recently.
However, the insurgency is seen as a weakness in India by many including those who support BJP. Given the limited options available, India has made incursions, strikes, forays etc. and sold it as “punishment’ to Pakistan to the domestic scene. It has worked but as India grows more confident, election votes become larger and economy grows, more is needed to satisfy that hunger. The withdrawal of the constitutional arrangement for Kashmir within the Indian Union was inevitable as the 1947 dismantling project needs new actions. India’s colonial past is roughly heading towards an ending.
End of rule of law?
Colonialism’s great contribution to feudal India is governance by the rule of law. Colonialism also wasn’t majoritarian as the colonizer’s were themselves a minority hence the rule of law. Choosing to be with one side was not possible as they themselves were the third side, not part of either. They patronized one or the other to suit its need. So it was even handed as far as the colonized people were concerned. This changed once the colonizers left and the conflicts that was already impacting on Indian politics as evidenced by 1947 continued.
It was most pronounced in Pakistan where the “majority” became an “idea’ rather than demographic concept which made the “Centre” – Islamabad /Karachi- the core of a nation/country. The Kashmir wars reaffirmed that status and gave the military of Pakistan the protector’s role of that concept. It made Bangladesh genocide of 1971 possible to protect Kashmir, the military’s control and ultimately Pakistan.
India had played a better game on this side of the border and allowed the military led governance model of Pakistan to collapse which did in 1971. Its half the job was done. The rest now was the ending of the “real’ Pakistan. However, the nuclear arming has weakened that possibility but the aspiration and political potential of using that sentiment to gain politically remains. Hence the cancellation of status and what happens now till something better turns up.
Is China the guarantor of Pakistan now?
India’s worry is not Pakistan but China who control’s many of the fringes of India including the territory over which both fought a war in 1962. Whether India did a deal with China on Aksai Chin before the Kashmir status cancellation – as reported by media- is not certain but Pakistan certainly doesn’t matter in the issue much. China is Pakistan’s guarantor now not its army and 20% of Kashmir is claimed by them so the limits of India’s objective setting are also set.
Till date no credible facts or analysis has been made as to why the step India took was so necessary. After all, no threat existed in India which needed immediate attention of distraction. It has no contest with a political group either. And to make a volatile zone more angry and requiring more investment in its security future will be a costly in resource and energy terms.
India has also threatened to abandon its nuclear “no- firs-t strike” policy which is aimed against Pakistan. This shows that the only country against which it can be used is suffocating its options. However, it will be globally unpopular and Pakistan may also be ready to strike back. Right now unlike 1971, India has no protector or patron like Russia was either. It has to foot history alone.
And this is where China comes in even more. It won’t like its protégé nuclear bomb and China matters globally. It’s the only global power that has ever challenged US in every sphere of life including economics. And China as report says is worried that the conflict may not be fully be under either side’s control. China is thinking only of its own problems.
Has India lost the region?
India’s actions have made everyone become suspicious of India’s future intentions. This is a great opportunity for China, hurting a bit from its “dept trap” criticism. It will find a better environ for selling BRI better in the region. China’s supremacy is probably far easier now and India will have contributed.
China may now assure an anxious Pakistan militarily more robustly and given its investment and stake its given. This may force India to be more cautious and that may impact on its domestic audience. Finally, insurgency actions may increase if the belligerence grows. Global interest in Indo-Pak relations is low and that means it’s a local affair. Who cares therefore about Kashmir? None in general but...
Unfortunately for India, a global power is directly involved in the issue who has become a player. China now cares. And China is next door.
Elites in power switch and India has seen a series. Pre-colonials were of one kind – Turko -Afghans/Muslims - followed by the colonials whose descendant the Congress was. Now a more indigenous pre-colonial Hindu variety is in power. How this elite functions in a multi-cultural majoritarian faith dominated state in which a world power like China has become linked to is not easy to predict.
(This article was first published in Dhaka Courier)
Beijing, June 5 (Xinhua/UNB) -- Chinese President Xi Jinping is set to sit down with his U.S. counterpart, Donald Trump, on the sidelines of the Group of 20 (G20) summit in the Japanese city of Osaka, igniting a flicker of hope to bring the China-U.S. trade talks back on track.
The meeting arrives at a time when Washington's trade offensive against China is not only poisoning one of the world's most important bilateral relationships, but also risking throttling the already frail global economic recovery. Its significance is thus too great to miss.
When the two presidents met each other at last year's G20 summit in Argentina's capital city of Buenos Aires, they reached an important consensus to pause the trade confrontation and resume talks. Since then, negotiating teams on both sides have held seven rounds of consultations in search for an early settlement.
However, China's utmost sincerity demonstrated over the months seems to have only prompted some trade hawks in Washington to press for their luck.
Following its failure to coerce Beijing into swallowing a deal with unequal terms, a disappointed and enraged Washington returned to its tactic of tariffs by raising additional levies on 200 billion U.S. dollars' worth of Chinese goods from 10 percent to 25 percent, and threatening a new round of tariff hikes on another 300 billion dollars' worth of goods.
Some ultra-conservative U.S. decision-makers, who have for many years seen in China a "threat" to Washington's sole superpower status, have tried to extend the trade campaign into a broader operation to shut China out and contain its rise.
As a result, Washington is cracking down on Chinese high-tech companies including telecom equipment provider Huawei, while many Chinese students seeking to study in the United States are facing more restrictions like months-long visa delay.
Thanks to Washington's relentless efforts, the two countries, which should have celebrated the 40th anniversary of their diplomatic ties this year, are seeing their relations slipping down the path to a possible all-out confrontation.
Despite Washington's "in-your-face" style of maximum pressure strategy, China has been steadfastly consistent in its position. It has always been committed to settling trade frictions via dialogue and consultation and safeguarding its legitimate and sovereign rights at the same time.
Beijing, as it has on various occasions reaffirmed, does not want a trade war, but is not afraid of one, and will fight to the end if necessary.
Last week, Xi had a telephone conversation with Trump at the request of the U.S. leader, saying that he stands ready to meet Trump in Osaka to exchange views on fundamental issues concerning the development of China-U.S. relations.
Xi's words reflect an alarming fact that the two countries are facing a challenge to the fundamentals of their relationship. The upcoming Xi-Trump meeting provides a unique opportunity for the two sides to find new common ground in easing trade tensions and bring the troubled ties back onto the right track.
If the two sides can reach an agreement to pick up the talks, the United States needs to place itself on an equal footing with China, and accommodate China's legitimate concerns on the basis of mutual respect, equality and mutual benefit in order to seek win-win results in the future negotiations.
Just one day ahead of the Osaka G20 summit, some U.S. politician again threatened to slap punitive levies on imported Chinese goods. Such cheap tactics to bring China down to its knees with pressure will get nowhere.
For more than a year, Washington's spoils in its tariff campaign have so far only seen rising daily costs for ordinary American consumers, growing rejections from U.S. farmers, industry workers and business leaders, roller-coaster rides in U.S. stock markets, as well as China's increasingly stronger determination to defend its rights.
The trade fight between the world's two largest economies has already hit hard the global market and dented investors' confidence worldwide. The latest World Trade Outlook Indicator reading of 96.3 remains at the weakest level since 2010, signaling continued falling trade growth in the first half of 2019, according to the World Trade Organization.
Trade wars produce no winner. In his latest telephone talk with Xi, Trump said he believes the entire world hopes to see the United States and China reach an agreement. To get an agreement, Washington's hardliners need to know that Beijing will neither surrender to their pressure, nor permit Washington to deprive Chinese people of their rights to pursue a better life.
And for the agreement to be sustainable, Washington's China policy should be rational. A rising China is not seeking to grab global hegemony. It will continue to work with nations around the world, including the United States, to boost common development and build a community with a shared future for mankind.
The past 40 years of China-U.S. relationship have proved that when the two countries work together, they both win and the world gains as well. But when they fight each other, all are poised to lose.
China and the United States, as two major economies in the international community, bear special responsibility for the wider world.
Therefore, the two sides, just as what Xi said during his meeting with The Elders delegation this April in Beijing, need to manage their differences, expand cooperation and jointly promote bilateral relations based on coordination, cooperation and stability so as to provide more stable and expectable factors to the world.